https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/ Journal of History of Literature en daily 1 Sat, 20 Feb 2027 00:00:00 +0330 Sat, 20 Feb 2027 00:00:00 +0330 https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106581.html IntroductionFarid al-Din Abu Hamed Mohammad ibn Ebrahim, known as ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī, is one of the most prominent poets in the field of Persian mystical poetry. The personality, life, and works of ʿAṭṭār are among the most ambiguous issues in the history of Persian literature. This ambiguity, alongside his widespread fame, has caused the creation of many legends about him and the attribution of numerous incoherent and weak works and poems to ʿAṭṭār. The attribution of other authors’ works and poems to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī and the fabrication of legends about him and his works gradually gained more speed and scope from the Timurid era and the early ninth century AH; therefore, sources prior to this period have double importance in studies related to this poet of the spiritual path (see: Bašarī, 1397/2018: 109).For the critical edition of the divan of poets such as ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī, in addition to the manuscript copies of the divan, the use of supplementary sources such as tazkeras, dictionaries, and old poetic anthologies solves many difficulties for the editors. Among these, old jungs and safinas can be particularly helpful and significant. The question raised here is: what is the importance of these sources, and in what respects can they assist in the critical editing of the poems of ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī?The claim of the present research is that, until now, in the study of ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī and the critical editing of his works - especially the Divan - old jungs and safinas have not been employed as they deserve; therefore, this study seeks to demonstrate, through a careful examination of these sources, the various aspects of their importance. Literature ReviewSo far, many editions of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī have been published; among them, three editions are of greater scholarly credibility: the first reliable edition of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār was the critical edition by Saʿid Nafisi, whose first edition was published in 1319/1940 and the third edition, with a new revision and the addition of several sources, appeared in 1339/1960. The next reliable edition was prepared by Taqi Tafażżoli, whose first edition was published in 1341/1962. The most recent reliable edition of the Divan is that of Mahdi Madayeni and Mehran Afshari, supervised by Alireza Emami, published in 1392/2013.In none of these editions was sufficient attention paid to old jungs and safinas. For example, in the most recent reliable edition of the Divan, the editors, in the introduction of the book, mentioned only two collections and old safinas: manuscript no. 2051 of the AyaSofya Library, dated 730 AH, and the Safina-ye Shams-e Haji, manuscript no. 1026 of the Nafezpasha Library, dated 741 AH (ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī, 1392/2013: 16). However, the avoidance of the editors of the most recent edition of the Divan from using later manuscripts resulted in a limitation of their sources in editing, while old safinas could have been extremely useful in their work. Research MethodologyIn this article, the poems of ʿAṭṭār in seven old jungs and safinas have been studied in four areas, and the recordings of the poems in these sources have been compared with the reliable editions of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār. The main focus of the present study is the most recent reliable edition of the Divan, i.e. the edition of Madayeni and Afshari, while in some cases reference has also been made to the editions of Nafisi and Tafażżoli. DiscussionAs mentioned, in the present research the poems of ʿAṭṭār in old safinas are examined in four parts: the first part deals with poems that in the existing editions of the Divan have been critically edited using limited sources, showing how the recordings of these poems in the old safinas can help the editors. In this section, verses from an old safina are also cited and analyzed, which probably belong to the opening of the Sogandnama the initial folios of which are missing in manuscript no. 306 of Sena, and which Taqi Tafażżoli also quoted in his edition of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār without the opening (ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī, 1368/1989: 721–733).The second part discusses noteworthy recordings of some verses in safinas and old collections (especially the Halet Efendi collection), showing that some of these recordings, although unique, can guide the editor to the authentic text of ʿAṭṭār’s speech. Some other recordings also confirm and support the recordings of certain manuscripts of the Divan.The third part examines the indication of the words’ pronunciation in manuscripts and, by providing evidence from the Halet Efendi collection, shows how they can help the editor in reading and critically editing the text.The fourth part discusses newly found poems attributed to ʿAṭṭār in old safinas and the proper way to deal with these poems. It is shown here that the attribution of some poems in jungs and safinas to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī is probably the result of a scribe’s slip of the pen in writing the author’s name. It is also discussed that some of the poems attributed to ʿAṭṭār in jungs and safinas are so alien to the language and thought of this poet that it is difficult to accept their attribution to him; therefore, caution must be exercised in attributing such poems to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī. Nevertheless, examples are presented from an old jung that, due to their closeness to ʿAṭṭār’s poetic style, the antiquity of the source, and the absence of competing claimants, can be considered as newly found poems of ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī. ConclusionAs demonstrated in the text of the article, a number of poems attributed to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī are found in a few old manuscripts of this poet’s Divan, and their recordings in old poetic jungs and safinas are very useful and valuable for the critical editing of these poems.Moreover, old jungs and safinas sometimes preserve unique and noteworthy recordings, which indicate the authenticity of their sources and can guide the editor to the authentic form of ʿAṭṭār’s speech.The indication of the words’ pronunciation in the texts of some safinas can also serve as a guide for the editor in how to read and critically edit ʿAṭṭār’s poems. Even if these recordings of the short vowels result from the scribes’ personal preferences in reading the text, they still constitute an old sample of this kind and should be incorporated into the text or reported in the footnotes.In old jungs and safinas, sometimes poems are attributed to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī that have no trace in the manuscripts of this poet’s Divan. Regarding these poems, with caution, those that have no serious claimant and are close to ʿAṭṭār’s poetic style can be considered as newly found works of this poet, and they may be reported in the appendices of the critical editions of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār. https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106732.html   IntroductionThe "Sanai Problem"—the fundamental incongruity between Hakim Sanai Ghaznavi’s courtly panegyrics, bawdy satire, and transcendental asceticism—remains a persistent challenge in Persian literary history. This issue is often reduced to a biographical enigma: how could one individual simultaneously be a "sycophant" court poet and the "father of mystical poetry"? The gap between the "Historical Sanai" and the "Legendary Sanai" has long baffled scholars.This study shifts the research focus from "Who was Sanai?" to "How did interpretive traditions construct the Sanai(s) they required?" By conducting a "historical discourse analysis", this article argues that two dominant streams of Sanai studies—the classical hagiographical tradition and modern text-centered research—share a common epistemological presupposition despite methodological differences: the "Holistic Fallacy," or the insistence on discovering an organic unity within an inherently heterogeneous archive. Literature ReviewScholarship on Sanai is categorized into two competing paradigms:The Classical Interpretive Paradigm (6th–10th centuries) functioned as a "competition of memories". Early sources like Kalila wa Demna (1964) and Lubab al-Albab (1982) presented a "Poet-Sage", while early mystical texts like Attar's Tadhkirat al-Awliya are notably silent regarding him. By the 7th century, Rumi (1925) canonized Sanai as a spiritual forefather. Subsequently, a struggle emerged between "Charismatic" Sufism, represented by Khair al-Majalis (1959), and "Institutional" Sufism, represented by Jami (1957) and Dawlatshah (2003). This culminated in the 10th century "Malamati" counter-narrative of Majalis al-Ushaq (1997).The Modern Interpretive Paradigm sought to "de-mythologize" these accounts. Scholars like Zarrinkub (2000) and De Bruijn (1983) challenged hagiographical validity through structural analysis, while Shafiei Kadkani (2011) and Zarqani (2023) offered psychological and strategic syntheses to explain textual contradictions. This article critiques these modern approaches for reproducing the classical obsession with unity. MethodologyThis study employs a critical historiographical approach, drawing on concepts from textual theory. The theoretical framework critiques the "Holistic Fallacy", defined as the unconscious projection of the modern concept of the "Work" (a coherent whole reflecting a single author) onto the pre-modern reality of "text production".Drawing on the distinction between "Manuscript Culture" and "Print Culture" (Ong, 1982), the methodology highlights how the modern "print" mindset imposes a sense of completion that did not exist in the fluid tradition of manuscript copying. Furthermore, utilizing the distinction between "Author" and "Artisan" (Foucault, 1969; Barthes, 1977), Sanai is analyzed not as a unified subject, but as a craftsman producing functional texts for specific social situations. DiscussionThe analysis dissects the two competing paradigms.4.1. The Classical Paradigm: The Competition of MemoriesThe study identifies distinct layers of historical construction aimed at appropriating Sanai’s symbolic capital:Layer Zero (6th Century): Contemporary sources present a non-hagiographical image. Nasrallah Munshi (1964) cites Sanai 52 times as a "Poet-Sage" (Hakim) for practical wisdom, whereas Attar's Tadhkirat al-Awliya omits him, suggesting his status as a "Sufi" was not yet established among traditional mystics.The Mowlavi Intervention (7th Century): The Rumi circle transformed Sanai from a sage into a spiritual forefather. Rumi (1925) declared him the "eyes" of the Order of Love, effectively canonizing him.Charismatic vs. Institutional Struggle (8th-9th Centuries): Khair al-Majalis (1959) presented a "Charismatic" Sanai attaining sainthood (wilayat) through the anti-Sharia act of consuming a leper’s fluids, emphasizing jadhba. Conversely, Jami (1957) and Dawlatshah (2003) represented "Institutional Sufism," sanitizing this image by establishing the "repentance narrative" (the 'Lay-khwar' encounter) and fabricating a lineage to Yusuf Hamadani.The Malamati Counter-Narrative (10th Century): Gazorgahi (1997) re-appropriated Sanai by attributing his transformation to a taboo earthly love for a "butcher's boy". This narrative symbolically repurposed the "shoes" of asceticism (Qazwini, 1994) by sacrificing them for the beloved, prioritizing Love over Asceticism.4.2. The Modern Paradigm: The Competition of ArchivesModern scholarship shifted authority from the Tadhkira to the Divan, evolving through several models:De-mythologizing: Zarrinkub (2000) and De Bruijn (1983) proved the "Lay-khwar" story chronologically impossible.Historical Models: Meisami (1987) framed Sanai’s poetry as "social critique", arguing he inverted courtly forms for ethical purposes.Psychological Synthesis: Shafiei Kadkani (2011) proposed a "complex psychology" composed of "Dark", "Gray", and "Bright" poles to unify the archive's contradictions.Strategic Synthesis: Zarqani (2023) offered an "economic-rhetorical" model, viewing Sanai’s transformation as a strategic turn to manage the literary market.Critique: These solutions fall into the "Holistic Fallacy". By treating the Divan—a retrospective assemblage—as a unified "Work", they attempt to bridge disparate texts with a single authorial intention, projecting the unity of Print Culture onto a fragmented Manuscript Culture product. ConclusionThe "chaos of the archive" is not a reflection of Sanai’s confused mind, but a product of the "functional nature" of pre-modern text production. Sanai was an artisan producing "situational" texts: panegyrics for the court, satire for private circles, and ascetic poetry for the pulpit.The "Sanai Problem" arises from reading a "functional archive" through the lens of modern "holistic authorship". The proposed alternative is to accept "Functional Multiplicity". Instead of asking "Who was Sanai?"—which imposes a unified psychology on disjointed texts—we should ask "What did Sanai's texts do?" This shift acknowledges that contradiction is inherent to the varied social functions of the texts and does not require a psychological resolution.  https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106761.html IntroductionIn various Persian texts, it is still possible to encounter words that are not known and have not been included in Persian dictionaries. Sometimes, the meaning of some words in the texts is different from what is found in dictionaries or their pronunciation is not recorded correctly; therefore, it is necessary for every researcher who works in the field of Persian texts or edits old Persian manuscripts to research these words and reveal their meanings and correct pronunciation. This will make it less challenging and troublesome for other researchers to find new words and their meanings. While editing the book Zakhire-ye Kharazmshahi, the author came across words that were either not found in dictionaries or did not have an exact meaning or pronunciation. Therefore, he decided to examine these words and terms to determine their exact meaning and application. The aim of this research is to represent these ancient and lost words and also to give their correct meanings with regard to the text of Zakhire-ye Kharazmshahi, ancient Persian texts, the structure of words in the Persian language, and the study of various dictionaries. This research and study can make the work easier for editors and researchers of Persian texts who sometimes encounter unknown words, and can reveal some forgotten words, and words not included in dictionaries. Literature ReviewFrom the past to the present, researchers have been searching for unknown words or words not included in dictionaries and have tried to find and explain these words from ancient Persian texts. Perhaps the first person to undertake this task was the late Dehkhoda, who found many ancient words in his dictionary by studying ancient Persian texts. After him, Abdul Hossein Noushin wrote a dictionary to study difficult words in the Shahnameh, and Ali Rawa'ghi did this in his books Unknown Words in the Shahnameh and Appendix of Persian Dictionaries. The Quranic Dictionary under the supervision of Mohammad Jafar Yahaghi is also another research work in this field. Methodology In this study, the edited text of Zakhire-ye-Kharazmshahi, has been examined, and words that were unknown or less well-known in terms of structure and meaning in this text and were not included as entries in various Persian dictionaries have been examined. In order to obtain the correct meaning and usage of each of these words, attention has been paid to their etymological, structural, semantic, and contextual or functional issues. Also, with regard to reliable Persian and Pahlavi sources, an attempt has been made to explain their meaning and usage in the best possible way and to determine their pronunciation as much as possible. In this study, we have divided unknown words into four categories according to their type, form, and meaning: 1. Simple words that have not been included in dictionaries; 2. Compound words that have not been included in dictionaries; 3. Words that have been included in dictionaries, but their meaning or pronunciation is different in the text; 4. Familiar words with older forms. Results and DiscussionAs mentioned, in this study, unknown words were divided into four categories according to their type, form, and meaning: 1. The first group are simple words that have been left out of dictionaries for whatever reason, and lexicographers have either not encountered them throughout the history of the Persian language, or these words did not exist in their own language and dialect. In any case, these words exist in some texts and cannot be simply ignored; 2. The second group are compound words that have not been included in dictionaries; these words are formed from combinations of meaningful or meaning-making words (prefix and suffix); of course, not every compound word can be placed in this category; only words that have a specific meaning and use or are a specific name for something are placed in this category. 3. The third group are words that appear in dictionaries, but their meaning or pronunciation is different in the text; These words differ in meaning or pronunciation from what is found in dictionaries, and by carefully examining the text, another meaning and pronunciation can be considered for them. Their meaning has been recovered according to the context, and their pronunciation according to their meaning, structure, and form in the manuscripts. 4. The fourth group is familiar words that have been entered into the text in older forms; these types of words have a familiar form that exists in dictionaries; but an older form of them appears in manuscripts that has not been entered into dictionaries. Examining these words is very important in terms of the history of the Persian language and showing the evolution of words. Conclusion In this research, it was found that there are various words in our ancient texts, including Zakhire-ye Kharazmshahi, which can be found using ancient Persian manuscripts and their meaning, pronunciation, and structure can be examined. This research shows some forgotten or leftover words from Persian dictionaries and shows us the breadth of words in the Persian language. It also shows the structure and chain of evolution of some words, as well as different or ancient forms of a word throughout the history of the Persian language. The results of such research can pave the way for researchers and editors of ancient Persian texts and help them discover the meaning of unknown and ancient words. https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106433.html IntroductionOne of the reputable yet lesser-known Persian lexicons is Zobdat al-Favayed, which was compiled at the height of lexicography in the Indian subcontinent with the purpose of facilitating the comprehension of classical Persian texts. Containing about twenty thousand entries, this work is not only a lexical dictionary but also an encyclopedic literary resource. The author, in addition to recording words and their meanings, addressed the complexities of classical Persian literature and attempted to make these texts more accessible to non-Iranian readers. Among the various sources utilized by Shir Khan Soor, the Divan of Anvari holds a special place. Since Anvari’s poetry has long been renowned for its difficulty and complexity in both form and meaning, Shir Khan Soor, in Zobdat al-Favayed, devoted significant attention to his verses, either citing them as lexical evidence or offering commentary to elucidate their intricacies. The importance of the present study lies in its examination of the role of Anvari’s poetry within this lexicon and in demonstrating how this work contributes both to the understanding of Anvari’s verses and to the critical editing of his texts. Literature ReviewDue to certain ambiguities in Anvari's poetry, researchers such as Shadi Abadi, Hosseini Farahani, Mohammad Donboli, etc., have historically attempted to write commentaries on his works. In more recent periods, other researchers including Seyyed Jafar Shahidi, Mohammad Reza Shafiei Kadkani, Kamran Zamani, Kamel Ahmadnejad, Rahman Zabihi, and others have also striven to unravel the ambiguities in Anvari's poetry and familiarize audiences with his diction. Furthermore, although numerous articles have been written about Anvari's poetry, they have not extensively addressed the explanation of the difficult verses. Given the relative obscurity of the dictionary Zobdat al-Favayed and the fact that Shir Khan Soor has provided explanations for difficult and even disputed verses of Anvari within the definitions of some entries, research on this topic—which can be valuable for the correct understanding of the difficulties in this great poet's works and for correcting errors in the printed editions of his Divan—appears necessary. MethodologyThis article is organized using a descriptive, analytical, and comparative method. The primary sources for this research have been the manuscript of Zobdat al-Favayed (from the Astan Quds Razavi library and the Kabul manuscript) and reliable printed editions of Anvari's Divan (by Modarres Razavi and Sa'id Nafisi). To examine the explanation of difficulties in several verses of Anvari's poetry within this dictionary, the following steps were taken:Verses related to Anvari were extracted from the dictionary and categorized.The explanations and commentaries by Shir Khan Soor were compared with the readings found in the manuscripts of Anvari's Divan.Differences in readings, potential inaccuracies, or possible innovations were recorded.The author's explanations were compared with other commentaries and their scholarly value was assessed. DiscussionAn examination of the status of Anvari's poetry in the Zobdat al-Favayed dictionary reveals that Shir Khan Soor played a role in understanding Anvari's Divan through several methods:Extracting entries from Anvari's poetry: Many of the dictionary's idiomatic combinations and proverbial expressions are taken directly from Anvari's Divan. Sometimes the poet is explicitly mentioned, and other times only a hemistich or a combination by him forms the basis of an entry. This indicates a particular attention to Anvari's Divan as one of the primary sources of the dictionary.Explaining difficult verses: Some of Anvari's verses that were subjects of disagreement or complexity are explained in this dictionary along with commentary or paraphrasing. Explanations of this kind demonstrate Shir Khan's awareness of the linguistic and semantic difficulties in Anvari's poetry. Although his explanations are sometimes neither complete nor precise, his attention to these very matters is valuable.Rendering verses into fluent prose: In some instances, Shir Khan expressed Anvari's verses in simple prose to make them easier for non-Iranian enthusiasts of Persian to understand. This practice has an educational aspect and also demonstrates the importance of the dictionary as a literary reference.Attention to transcriptions and variant readings: Shir Khan Soor sometimes quoted Anvari's verses with transcriptions not found in printed editions or other commentaries. These differences can be of great importance to textual critics, as they indicate his access to different or potentially older manuscripts.Critique and utilization of other commentaries: In some cases, Shir Khan refers to the opinions of “masters”, which shows his familiarity with other commentaries (likely available in India). This doubles the research significance of his work because his dictionary is not merely a glossary, but also a collection of commentators' statements and critical viewpoints.ConclusionThe Zobdat al-Favayed dictionary is not merely a lexical work but also a valuable resource for understanding and interpreting classical Persian texts. The findings of this research show that Shir Khan Soor utilized Anvari's Divan as one of his primary sources and extracted many entries from his poetry. In explaining difficult verses, although sometimes suffering from inadequacies, he made a significant contribution to resolving some of the semantic problems in Anvari's poetry. Furthermore, the paraphrasing of difficult verses into prose is an initiative less commonly seen in standard commentaries and indicates Shir Khan Soor's educational approach for his audience. The different textual readings found in this dictionary can also be useful for the critical editing of Anvari's Divan and can enrich the textual scholarship of this poet's work. Although caution is advised when relying on Shir Khan's explanations due to his use of Indian sources and his geographical-linguistic distance from the native Persian-speaking heartland, the role of this dictionary in unraveling the complexities of Anvari's poetry cannot be overlooked. Therefore, the present research demonstrated that Zobdat al-Favayed, alongside the standard commentaries on Anvari's Divan, is a neglected yet valuable resource that can be utilized for both understanding and textually critiquing Anvari's poetry, from both historical and literary perspectives. AcknowledgmentsThis Article is based upon research funded by Iran National Science Foundation (INSF) under project No.4037020 https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106582.html IntroductionIn the critical editing of classical texts alongside the use of reliable manuscripts, the application of scientific methods, familiarity with editorial criteria, and a critical approach are essential. Despite two existing editions of Emad Faqih Kermani’s Divan (poetry collection), due to the lack of methodological rigor in their editing, certain errors in the recording of verses remain. This study aims to identify the shared issues in both editions while offering accurate readings of the manuscripts they relied upon, as well as newly discovered manuscripts, to reconstruct the correct versions of the verses Literature ReviewKhwaja Emad al-Din Ali Faqih Kermani was an 8th-century poet and mystic. His works include a Divan and several long masnavis collectively titled Panj Ganj (The Five Treasures). The first critical edition of his complete works was prepared by Rokn al-Din Homayoun-Farrokh (1969), followed by a second edition of the Divan by Yahya Talebian and Mahmoud Modabberi (2001). Homayoun-Farrokh’s edition—the most renowned—was printed only once, nearly 50 years ago. The second edition, published in 2001, saw limited distribution during a commemoration ceremony in Kerman.Prior to these editions, Ahmad Nazerzadeh Kermani defended his doctoral dissertation, An Analysis of the Divan and Biography of Emad al-Din Faqih Kermani (1953), under the supervision of Badiozzaman Forouzanfar, examining Emad’s poetry using extant manuscripts. In 1998, Dariush Kazemi and Mohammad Hossein Gholati published 100 ghazals from the Divan. Additionally, Samaneh Abedini, Nasrin Faqih Malek Marzban, and Mehdi Nik-Manesh critiqued both editions in their article, “The Necessity of a New Critical Edition of Emad Faqih Kermani’s Divan”.   Methodology Homayoun-Farrokh relied on three manuscripts (No. 1030 from the Islamic Consultative Assembly Library, Manuscript “A” dated 795 AH, and No. 13512 from the same library), while Talebian and Modabberi relied on three others (the Topkapi Palace Library manuscript dated 841 AH, the Soviet Academy of Sciences manuscript based on microfilm No. 44-175 from the University of Tehran, and the Leningrad Academy of Sciences manuscript). For this study, all manuscripts referenced in both editions—except Manuscript “A” from Homayoun-Farrokh’s personal collection—were re-examined, along with nine additional manuscripts (Nos. 181 and 182 from the Sepahsalar Library, and manuscripts from the Nurosmaniye, Fatih, Rashid Efendi, Leningrad, Minovi, Manguisa, and Tajikistan libraries). Discussion Editing classical texts requires not only access to reliable manuscripts but also the use of scientific methods, editorial standards, and a critical perspective. The existing editions of Faqih Kermani’s Divan suffer from inconsistencies due to the neglect of early manuscripts, misreadings, and a lack of systematic editing. Neither edition specifies a base manuscript, nor do their editors clarify their editorial methodology.A comparison of the manuscripts with both editions revealed that despite the availability of authoritative early copies, neither edition consistently followed a single base manuscript. Instead, both appear to combine readings from multiple sources, leading to textual instability. For instance, Talebian and Modabberi frequently relegated the more accurate readings of the Topkapi (“b”) and Soviet Academy (“a”) manuscripts to footnotes, or relied on Homayoun-Farrokh’s printed variants (marked “ch” and “nc”) rather than consulting the original manuscripts directly.Shared errors in both editions stem from misreadings or typographical mistakes in Homayoun-Farrokh’s edition, which were uncritically carried over into Talebian and Modabberi’s work. The latter either reproduced these errors without noting variants or retained incorrect readings in the main text while placing the correct versions in footnotes. In this study, a newly identified manuscript was selected as the base text. However, since it does not contain all of Faqih’s poems, the Nurosmaniye manuscript was used to supplement missing verses.   Conclusion This research critiques the manuscript selection and methodological shortcomings of both editions. By collating their source manuscripts with newly discovered, more authoritative copies, it rectifies shared errors and establishes a more reliable text. https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_105933.html IntroductionMirza Abd al-Qadir Bedil (1054-1133 AH) is a prominent poet and representative of the Indian style; he reached the peak of this style through his ghazals. He holds a special place and popularity in Afghanistan, and shortly after his death, he gained fame in Afghanistan and Transoxiana. His ghazals became the focus of attention for poets in the region, to the extent that many poets endeavored to compose their own poetry under the influence of his ghazals. This trend grew so widespread that nearly a century (from the mid-18th century to the mid-19th century CE) came to be known as the “Age of Bedilism”. In the 13th century AH, many prominent Afghan poets were followers of Bedil in some way. Mir Hotak Afghan (1180-1242 AH) and Ghulam Mohammad Tarzi (1254-1318 AH), two prominent poets of this century, are the subject of this study, for whom no research has been done until now under this title. Literature ReviewThe intense interest of the people and scholars of Afghanistan in Mirza Bedil has led to numerous books and articles being written about him. Over the past hundred years, several researchers have conducted studies and research related to Bedil and his poetry. Notable figures include Allama Salah al-Din Saljuqi, Qari Abdullah, Professor Khalilullah Khalili, Khal Mohammad Khasta, Ghulam Hassan Mujaddedi, Faiz Mohammad Khan Zakarya, Asadullah Habib, Amir Mohammad Atheer, Mohammad Abdolhamid Asir, Mohammad Kazem Kazemi, Abd al-Ghafoor Arezoo, Hosseini Fetrat, and other scholars who have produced one or more works about Bedil. Likewise, in Iran, Pakistan, and Tajikistan, individuals such as Shafi'i Kadkani, Seyyed Mehdi Tabatabai, Seyyed Hassan Hosseini, Kavous Hosseini, Nabi Hadi, Abd al-Ghani, Noor al-Hassan Ansari, and Sadr al-Din Eyni have written numerous works on Bedil's life, works, and style. Several articles on the stylistic characteristics, and the critique and analysis of his prose and poetry, have been published in various journals. However, specific studies on Bedil's influence on the poets after him have been limited to brief references within discussions about Bedil's works, such as the works of Asadullah Habib and Mohammad Kazem Kazemi, which are commendable. In Iran, there are articles written about the influence of Bedil’s poetry on Iranian poets of the Islamic Revolution and contemporary Iranian and Indian poets, explaining the manner of this influence. However, a separate and comprehensive study on the influence of Bedil on Afghan poets, specifically the two poets mentioned (Tarzi and Afghan), has yet to be undertaken.  MethodologyThis study uses documentary and content analysis methods to examine the ways in which Bedil Dehlavi influenced the 13th century AH Afghan poets, focusing on the ghazals of the two poets mentioned, both structurally and thematically. The research demonstrates that these two poets, by imitating and following Bedil's ghazals and using his poetic elements and themes, wrote many poems in which their influence by Bedil is clearly evident at both structural and thematic levels. Thematically, their poems share much in common with Bedil's ghazals. Similarly, at the structural level, aspects such as meter, rhyme, refrain, and vocabulary have been influenced by his works, with the structural similarities being more prominent and striking than the thematic ones.   Discussion and ConclusionMirza Abd al-Qadir Bedil, a prime example of the Indian style of poetry, holds a special place in Afghanistan and has many followers and admirers. Afghan poets, for over a century, have revived and consolidated the Bedilism movement by emulating Bedil’s poetry in their works. Since Sufi ideas and the Indian style were widely adopted by these poets, their poetry, like Bedil's, was often influenced by such philosophical thoughts, using rhetorical techniques and intricate thoughts in a similar manner.With the expansion of the Durrani Empire's influence into the Indian subcontinent, Bedil's poetry found its way into Afghanistan, where it gradually gained popularity, especially with the support of the Durrani kings, particularly Timur Shah. The royal court's organization of Bedil recitations and their support for Bedil's followers contributed to the widespread fame of Bedil in Afghanistan. Similarly, the acknowledgment of Bedil's significance by the ruling elite, the printing of his works in the government press, and the consistent organization of Bedil's recitations outside the royal court contributed to the growing popularity of his poetry. Additionally, the proximity of Bedil's language to that of the people of this region, his use of familiar terms and expressions, and his ethnic background—being of the Arlas or Barlas tribe from Badakhshan—further contributed to his influence. Furthermore, his mystical, and unity-of-being ideas in his poetry enhanced his popularity among Sufi circles, leading to greater support from mystics and Sufi poets for his work.Mir Hotak Afghan and Ghulam Mohammad Tarzi, the poets studied in this research, are among the prominent Bedilists of the 13th century AH, excelling in their imitation of Bedil. The influence of Bedil on these two poets is clearly observable in their structural, lexical, and thematic choices. Structural influence includes the imitation of meter, rhyme, and refrain, while lexical similarities involve the use of words, phrases, and expressions similar to Bedil's. Thematic influence is also apparent, with both poets drawing heavily from Bedil’s content. In terms of structural influence, both poets extensively adopted Bedil’s meter, rhyme, and refrain, but Tarzi’s adherence to Bedil’s meter and rhyme is more pronounced than Afghan’s, while Afghan’s imitation of refrains is more noticeable. The use of phrases, idioms, and word choices is highly similar, and this resemblance is striking, as demonstrated in the tables and charts. Both poets benefited from Bedil's use of word combinations, with Mir Hotak leading in terms of lexical choices. High-frequency words used by Bedil, such as “astonishment”, “nothingness”, “annihilation”, “mirror”, “pockmark”, and “bubble”, along with combinations formed from these words, appear prominently in both poets' works, especially in Afghan's poetry. Similarly, specific numerical expressions such as “a hundred caravans of wailing”, “a hundred colors of movement”, and “a hundred gardens of fragrance and bloom” are found in both poets' poetry. Thematic influence is so profound that sometimes a ghazal by the poets seems almost identical to a ghazal by Bedil. The themes of their poetry, in line with the spirit of the Indian style, typically revolve around simple, ordinary topics combined with subtlety and imaginative expression. https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106669.html IntroductionThis study examines the life of Inayat Khan Ashna (1627–1670), a Persian-speaking poet of the 11th century AH, drawing on primary sources and contemporary accounts. Through historical analysis, it provides detailed information on his name, date of birth, birthplace, parents, spouse and children, physical appearance, religion and beliefs, relations with the government, death and burial, and occupations. It establishes that Inayat Khan, despite being of Iranian descent, was born and raised in India and never visited Iran. His grandfather, Khwaja Abu al-Hasan Torbati, migrated from Iran to India during Akbar Shah’s reign and attained the position of minister. His father, Zafar Khan, was also a poet and a man of learning and literature, enjoying the support of contemporary rulers; Shah Jahan entrusted him with the governance of Kashmir. Inayat Khan's mother, Bozorg Khanom, was the niece of Banoo Mumtaz Mahal, Shah Jahan’s queen. Benefiting from this distinguished family background, as well as his own literary and scholarly abilities, Inayat Khan eventually attained ministerial rank at court. Over 4,500 couplets of his poetry and one prose work, Molakhas-e Shah Jahan Nameh, have survived. This book, composed during his tenure as head of the royal library, summarizes thirty years of Shah Jahan’s reign from extensive historical sources, presenting them in a simplified language that was appreciated by contemporary readers. Literature ReviewIn Dehkhoda’s lexicon, five lines are devoted to Ashna, two of which contain errors. Following that, a six-page article by Dr. Amir Hassan Abedi exists, yet it is neither comprehensive nor free of minor mistakes; its brevity leaves many aspects of the poet’s life unexplored. Two entries in The Encyclopedia of Persian Language and Literature in the Subcontinent - “Ashna Torbati Kashmiri” and “Ahsan Torbati” - offer more detailed accounts of Ashna and his father. However, compared to the present study, these entries exhibit shortcomings and errors, including:- The failure to calculate Ashna’s birth date and the onset of his poetic career- Misidentification of Ashna's mother, Bozorg Khanom, as the sister of Banoo Mumtaz Mahal, which has been corrected- Omission of the office he received in childhood and the period he governed temporarily on behalf of his father- Confusion of Molakhas-e Shah Jahan Nameh with Qarniya, treating them as a single work, whereas they are two separate compositions- Lack of information regarding his religion and beliefs- Absence of details concerning his spouse and children. MethodologyTo collect personal, professional, and literary information about Ashna, primary historical texts were first consulted, most of which were composed during the poet’s lifetime by authors close to his family, possessing precise knowledge of his circumstances. Subsequently, literary-historical sources, including tazkarehs, were examined to extract details about his literary life. Finally, Molakhas-e Shah Jahan Nameh, authored by Ashna himself, was studied to gain insights into his life and family. Four manuscripts of his diwan were also analyzed to uncover personal details and his relationships with other poets. Information from these sources was then thematically categorized under appropriate headings, with relevant poetic evidence incorporated where applicable. DiscussionInayat Khan Ashna was among the prominent thematic poets of the 11th century AH in the Indian subcontinent. Alongside poetry, he engaged in historiography, enhancing his scholarly reputation. Despite attaining civil and military offices and being related maternally and through his grandmother to the Mughal dynasty, enjoying recognition among the emperors due to his father’s and grandfather’s positions, much of his personal and literary life remained obscure, and even authoritative sources contain evident errors. This study aims not only to clarify these obscure aspects and correct previous mistakes but also to address the following questions:- What were the other dimensions of Inayat Khan’s life as a historian and poet with political and military roles?- Why and to what extent was he trusted by Shah Jahan?5) ConclusionThe life and literary contributions of Inayat Khan Ashna largely remained obscured due to several factors, including being born in India and never visiting Iran, as well as contemporaneity with leading poets such as Saeb, Kalim, and Salim, whose fame overshadowed him. Due to his father’s and grandfather’s status, he attained an office at the age of seven unprecedented for any child, advancing through military ranks and assuming administrative positions such as Darughi-e Dagh, ultimately reaching Darughi-e Huzur, a position reserved for trusted nobles, given that his grandfather served as minister under Jahangir Shah and his father was a Mughal commander. His mother, Bozorg Khanom, was the niece of Banoo Mumtaz Mahal, Shah Jahan’s queen. Under Shah Jahan’s direct orders, he governed Kashmir on behalf of his father for nearly two years, and in the final year of Shah Jahan’s reign, he was appointed head of the royal library. As a commander, he oversaw 1,500 infantry and 200 cavalry, and during the succession conflict among Shah Jahan’s sons, he fought alongside his father in the army of the crown prince Dara Shikoh. Despite these political and military responsibilities, Inayat Khan continued to compose poetry, leaving nearly 5’000 couplets for posterity. https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106585.html IntroductionThe term rubā’ī (quatrain) evokes a poetic form along with its unique meter. If a poem is composed of four hemistiches where the first, second, and fourth hemistiches rhyme but lack the distinctive meter of the rubā’ī, it cannot be considered a rubā’ī, as the identity of this form lies in its specific meter. In Arabic, the rubā’ī (or al-dūbayt) is also recognized by its particular meter. Given that the Arabic rubā’ī was almost certainly derived from the Persian rubā’ī, and considering that metrical features stem from linguistic characteristics - although there are differences between Persian and Arabic prosody - the rubā’ī exhibits significant similarities. These similarities indicate that the Arabic rubā’ī borrowed its meter from the Persian rubā’ī, with poets making only minor adjustments. As a result, it differs from the Khalīlian (classical Arabic) prosodic system. This meter cannot be derived from Khalīl's circles.Literature ReviewIt appears that the first comprehensive book written on the rubā’ī (quatrain) is Dīwān al-Dūbayt fī al-Shi’r al-‘Arabī fī ‘Asharat Qurūn (1972) by Muṣṭafā Kāmil al-Shaybī. This significant work examines the rubā’ī (known as al-dūbayt in Arabic) from various perspectives and includes an appendix featuring around 900 quatrains composed by rubā’ī poets from the 5th to the 14th century AH. The author dedicates an independent section (pp. 58–72) to analyzing the meter of the rubā’ī, discussing the Persian rubā’ī meter (based on traditional Persian prosody manuals) and then the Arabic rubā’ī meter, favoring the well-known metrical pattern (fa’lun mutafā’ilun fa’ūlun fa’alun).Seyr-e Robā’ī dar She’r-e Fārsī [The Evolution of Quatrain In Persian Poetry] (1995) by Sirous Shamissa is the second independent and detailed work on the rubā’ī, examining it from multiple angles and dedicating a separate chapter (pp. 245–278) to the prosody of the rubā’ī. Unlike al-Shaybī, who was not a prosody specialist and mostly followed other scholars' views on Arabic rubā’ī prosody, Shamissa is a prosody scholar himself and meticulously analyzes the historical and structural aspects of Persian rubā’ī meter. However, he focuses solely on Persian rubā’ī prosody, and no comparison between the two metrical systems is found in this book.Finally, ‘Umar Khallūf authored an independent and valuable book titled Al-Baḥr al-Dubaytī (Al-Dūbayt): Dirāsa ʿArūḍiyya Taʾṣīliyya Jadīda (1997), which concentrates on the prosody of the rubā’ī (specifically the Arabic rubā’ī).Other prosody books in Arabic and Persian have also briefly addressed the meter of the rubā’ī in passing. These opinions will be discussed and critically examined within the article.MethodologyGiven that the Arabic rubā’ī was influenced by the Persian rubā’ī, this research falls within the framework of comparative studies. The article adopts a comparative approach based on the French school of comparative literature, incorporating historical, analytical, and, in some cases, statistical methods. It should be noted that research in prosody (‘arūḍ) pertains to the formal and technical aspects of literature. Therefore, this study does not address the thematic content of rubā’īs In Persian and Arabic (such as their motifs or philosophical themes). Additionally, not all formal elements (such as rhyme [qāfiya] and refrain [radīf]) are within the scope of this paper. Instead, the focus is on the prosody of the rubā’ī, its metrical features In Persian and Arabic and the similarities and differences between the two traditions. In essence, this research belongs to the field of comparative prosody or, more precisely, comparative metrics (wazn-shināsī tatbīqī).DiscussionThis study begins by examining the names and origins of the rubā’ī In Persian and Arabic poetry. It then reviews the opinions of Arabic and Persian prosodists, from classical to contemporary scholars, regarding the metrical scansion of the rubā’ī. These views are critically analyzed in detail to determine the most suitable main meter for the rubā’ī in both languages. After establishing the main meter and its appropriate metrical scansion, the study explores the crucial topic of poetic license (ikhtiyārāt-e shā’irī) In Persian and Arabic rubā’īs. Numerous poetic examples are provided, accompanied by their metrical scansions and identified variations in meter. To quantify the frequency of these metrical variations in Arabic rubā’īs, a statistical analysis was conducted based on 150 Arabic rubā’īs. The results are presented in tabular form, alongside a comparison with the frequency of poetic license in Khayyam’s rubā’īs.ConclusionAlthough in traditional Persian prosody, other scansions have been proposed for the rubā’ī, based on modern Persian prosody, the appropriate scansion as the main meter of the rubā’ī is determined as mustaf’ilu mustaf’ilu mustaf’ilu fa’ (- - UU | - - UU | - - UU | -) (مستفعلُ مستفعلُ مستفعلُ فع).On the other hand, while in Arabic prosody, the well-known scansion for the rubā’ī is "fa’lun mutafā’ilun fa’ūlun fa’alun" (- - | U U  - U - | U - - | U U -) (فعْلن متفاعلن فعولن فعلن), and other scansions have also been mentioned, according to the author's view, the main meter is determined as mustaf’ilu maf’ūlātu mustaf’ilu fa’ (- - UU | - - - U | - - UU | -) (مستفعلُ مفعولاتُ مستفعلُ فع), with the only difference being in the second foot, where "maf’ūlātu" replaces "mustaf’ilu". This very difference has led to some variations in poetic licenses (ikhtiyārāt) in the Arabic rubā’ī compared to the Persian rubā’ī.The type of poetic license in the Persian and Arabic rubā’ī is exactly the same in the position of the first foot of the hemistich, which is the option of taskīn (substituting a long syllable for two short ones) and replacing "maf’ūlun" with "mustaf’ilu", and in terms of frequency of use, this is nearly the same in both Persian and Arabic rubā’ī. The same applies to the position of the third foot of the hemistich.As for the position of the second foot, both In Persian and Arabic, "mustaf’ilu" and "fā’ilātu" are used, and the use of "fā’ilātu" is much more frequent than "mustaf’ilu" in both systems. The key difference in this position is that in the Persian rubā’ī, "maf’ūlātu" is not used at all, whereas in Arabic, this foot has a notable usage (around 10%). For this reason, the foot ("maf’ūlātu") is considered the main one. https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106860.html Introduction and Research ObjectivesThis study aimed to conduct a psychological analysis of the behaviors of the characters Rostam and Sohrab in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh based on William Glasser's choice theory. As a foundational epic in Persian literature, Shahnameh not only holds literary and historical values but also contains profound insights into human behavior. The central issue of the research was to explore the psychological roots of tragedy in the narrative of the father-son battle, particularly how the seemingly free choices of these characters, influenced by unconscious forces, lead to a tragic destiny. The research hypothesis posited that the conflict between basic psychological needs (survival, love and belonging, power, freedom, fun) and ineffective responses to reality is the main driver of tragic behaviors. This study provides a novel framework for reading classical texts by linking psychology and literary criticism. Theoretical FrameworkThe theoretical framework of the research is based on Glasser's choice theory, which considers human behavior a product of five inherent needs: survival (physical/psychological security), love and belonging (emotional connections), power (sense of self-worth), freedom (autonomy), and fun (pleasure/learning). Other key concepts include responsibility (acceptance of the consequences of choices), realism (distinction between objective and perceived worlds), behavioral system (integration of the four components: action, thought, emotion, and physiology), and the contrast between internal control (responsibility) and external control (efforts to change others). Within this framework, the actions of Rostam and Sohrab are analyzed as concrete examples of conflicting needs and failures in managing their perceived worlds. Research MethodologyThe research utilized an analytical-descriptive method with a qualitative approach, employing content analysis of the Shahnameh text (Khalaghi Motlaq version). Data were gathered from verses related to the narrative of Rostam and Sohrab and analyzed in three stages: aligning behaviors with Glasser's theoretical components, examining causal relationships between conflicting needs and tragic choices, and analyzing the role of the “behavioral system” in shaping actions.  Discussion and AnalysisThe findings indicated that tragedy stems from unresolved conflicts of needs: Sohrab was caught between "belonging" (search for father) and "power" (defeating the hero), while Rostam prioritized "survival" and social status over "fatherly belonging". Rostam’s avoidance of responsibility (a clear example of external control) combined with Sohrab’s perceptual distortion (viewing Rostam as an invincible hero) created a vicious cycle. Sohrab’s behavioral system, encompassing thought (“defeating Rostam = proving my power”), emotion (anger from paternal rejection), action (insistence on deadly combat), and physiology (physical tension), integrally accelerated destructive choices. The gap between the perceptual Rostam (myth) and the real Rostam (vulnerable father) rendered any salvific dialogue impossible. ConclusionThe research concluded that tragedy is not merely a matter of fate but a consequence of a chain of choices inconsistent with reality. Glasser's choice theory has the capacity to explain "communicative tragedies" in ancient texts and redefines the conflict between "free will" and "psychological determinism" in Shahnameh. This model can be generalized to analyze other tragic characters in classical literature (such as Siavash and Esfandiar). The practical implication of the research emphasizes the role of "balancing needs" in preventing destructive conflicts. https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106685.html  1. IntroductionIn a number of Classical Persian texts, one occasionally encounters forms that are morphologically identifiable as passive participles but exhibit a functional profile that diverges from their canonical passive interpretation. These forms refer to an entity—animate or otherwise—that performs an action in the present or future, or is habitually or continuously characterized by a particular state. Semantically, therefore, they encode agent-oriented meaning typically associated with the present active participle.Although these forms are traditionally labeled “passive participles” on morphological grounds, their interpretation regularly involves an agent who has previously engaged in an action or undergone a state whose relevance persists. Notably, in the cases examined here, the temporal reference of the action or state is not necessarily confined to the past, thereby challenging conventional categorial assignments.This study first reassesses the descriptive criteria employed in Persian grammaticography for the classification of participial constructions; it then demonstrates that certain morphologically perfect participles in both historical Persian and contemporary usage may assume syntactic and interpretive functions typically associated with imperfective agentive participles. Finally, it offers a principled analysis of the semantic and diachronic mechanisms licensing this functional extension. 2. Research BackgroundThe categorial and functional properties of participial formations in Persian have been the subject of extensive scholarly treatment, and virtually every authoritative grammar of Persian devotes consideration to the opposition between active and passive participles. Within this tradition, Abolghasemi characterizes the construction consisting of an intransitive past stem + -e/-a as a “past-oriented active participle”, while Farshidvard, identifying -e/-a as a “resultative/perfective adjectival suffix,” argues that although such derivatives are not uniformly passive in interpretation, they nevertheless exhibit a consistent retrospective temporal value. Both scholars thus indirectly gesture toward what the present study conceptualizes as the “perfect active participle”, a category that remains underexamined.The only focused examination of cases where a perfect active participle (e.g., fahmīde) replaces an expected Present active participle (e.g., fahmande) in Classical Persian is found in two articles by Haji-Seyyed-Aghaei. Her explanation, which attributes the alternation to a phonological substitution of -ande with -īde, is demonstrably incorrect. As this study argues, the phenomenon is not phonological in origin but results from semantic and morphosyntactic reanalysis.3. DiscussionA prominent participial formation derived from verbal bases in Persian involves the structure “past stem + -e” (alternatively, “present stem + -te/-de”), which is conventionally described in most Persian grammars as a passive participle. However, as widely acknowledged in the literature, these participles do not uniformly encode patientivity and, in certain contexts, may convey an agentive interpretation. Specifically, participles formed via “past stem + -e” can denote a completed past event with present relevance, functioning semantically as active rather than passive. Owing to their semantic alignment with the resultative or perfect domain, as well as their formal resemblance to the participial component in perfect constructions, this study designates them as perfect active participles (ṣefat-e fā ʿelī-ye naqlī).A second type of participle, traditionally labeled the active participle, is formed through “present stem + -ande” and denotes an agent who performs an action or possesses a property habitually, continuously, or without temporal restriction. This study refers to this category as the present active participle (ṣefat-e fā ʿelī-ye możāre ʿ).In Classical Persian texts, there are instances in which perfect active participles appear in syntactic or semantic roles typically associated with present active participles. In regular verb classes, the only distinction between forms such as fahmīde (“having understood”) and fahmande (“understanding”) is orthographic. Consequently, many editors of historical texts have normalized these forms, thereby inadvertently erasing important evidence. Haji-Seyyed-Aghaei attributed the residual attestations to a phonological substitution of -ande with -īde. Nevertheless, occurrences involving irregular verb stems indicate that neither scribal error nor phonological change can account for all cases. For example, the form delkhaste (“weary”) in the Shahnameh cannot plausibly be derived from any hypothetical delkhalande; it must be analyzed as a perfect active participle functioning in a present role.The replacement of a present active participle by a perfect active participle can be explained semantically along two pathways:A past action or state that attributes a property to its referent (i.e., a perfective active participle) may license the interpretation of the referent as performing the action or instantiating the state in the present, or more generally, as possessing the property habitually or in a timeless sense. Gradually, the present or generalized aspect of the action/state comes to dominate, relegating the original past-event component to a subordinate semantic layer. Consequently, the participle is reanalyzed as denoting a present or habitual property, functioning as a present active participle.A past-performed action or a state ascribed to the referent in the past, which confers a property upon it (i.e., a perfective active participle), has the potential to persist in the referent and render it a permanent bearer of the property denoted by the action or state. In other words, when the action or state is iterable or continuous, the referent comes to instantiate a property that signifies a durable or habitual disposition to perform the action or possess the state. Consequently, the participle is reinterpreted as denoting a present active property, reflecting the referent’s ongoing or permanent attribution of the action or state.This semantic shift from perfective active to present active interpretation may occur diachronically or operate synchronically without necessitating a historical continuum. ConclusionIn Persian, the construction “past stem + -e” can give rise to participles that encode an agentive referent who performed an action in the past whose effects extend into the present. These forms are appropriately analyzed as perfect active participles. In both classical and modern texts, such participles are occasionally deployed in syntactic and semantic contexts typically reserved for present active participles (present stem + -ande). In fact, it can be argued that in Persian, one structural means of attributing to a referent an action or state without temporal delimitation is the use of the perfective active participial construction—formed by “past stem + -e” (or alternatively “present stem + -te/-de”). https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106584.html Introduction A spatial marker can contain the element of time within itself, whether tangible or intangible. To understand the dimension of time in a temporal space, the simplest method is to refer to the temporal indicator, which can be perceived in the form of various temporal adverbials, inflected verb tense, or phrases linked to the noun phrase by the syntactic arrangement of the sentence. Sometimes, depending on the personal experience of the reader of the text, the perception of time takes an imaginary or empirical form. In some of Parvin Etesami's poems, the connection between time and space becomes the basis for understanding the poet's intention. How can we understand the order of the spatio-temporal continuum in these poems, and what meaning can be explained through the nature of this temporal perception? In this regard, to analyze abstract time in various modes of temporal space, using the ideas of Henri Bergson, a 20th-century French philosopher, one can achieve a philosophical reading of the temporal system. To understand the relationship between time and places evoked in the poem “The Enchantment of the World” by Parvin Etesami, it will be possible to explain the relationship between time and narrative space in a temporal-spatial continuum based on the ideas of Mikhail Bakhtin, a Russian linguist and philosopher. Literature Review In addition to numerous readings of Parvin Etesami's poetry based on literary and rhetorical theories, her poetry has been analyzed from different perspectives, such as psychology, sociology, politics, religion and ethics. However, this research attempts to answer the question of how spatio-temporal elements create meaning and manifest themselves through the philosophical thought of Parvin's poetry. Methodology 3-1. The problem of the perception of “duration” in Henri Bergson According to Henri Bergson, when we speak of a specific point in the chronology, this specific moment is closely linked to “space” and therefore time finds its identity in space: For it is in space that the changes that occur for a point are manifested and not in time in the pure sense of the term. (Bergson, 1975: 15) 3-2. Double perception of time: decomposable and indecomposable The concept of “duration” has a dual nature; one qualitative and the other quantitative.(Bergson, 1975: 16) 3-3. The Place of “Time” in Mikhail Bakhtin's Analysis of the Structure of Literature For Bakhtin, the two elements of time and space coexist. “Time means the fourth dimension of space ». (Bakhtin, 2011: 137) Bakhtin identifies a type of weather called “adventure weather”. The characteristics of this type of weather are as follows: The adventurous time extends between the starting point of the plot and the ending point of the plot. (Bakhtin, 2011: 142) This time “lacks biological or evolutionary continuity”. (Bakhtin, 2011: 143) Adventurous time is an “empty time”. (Bakhtin, 2011:145) Discussion 4-1. Time-space continuum in the poem “The Enchantment of the World” In verse 48, with the perception of a thousand-year temporal continuum, the continuity of objective time is embedded within the abstract temporal continuum: In this verse, there is an incomplete causal link, because of the existence of the incomplete cause: “a thousand years of burning firewood” led to the failure to achieve the intended effect, which was: “a pleasant smell”. The expression of causality in any complete or incomplete form leads to the perception of temporal continuity, as a bridge that connects past time to the present or future. Also, this millennial period, in Bakhtin’s view, refers to a time of adventure, because the realization or non-realization of the act of burning wood has no connection with the realization of the main action, and this millennial continuum “lacks simple biological continuity or evolutionary continuity” (Bakhtin, 2011: 143). Conclusion The perception of time and space is not separate and each indicates the existence of the other. Also, temporal elements are arranged in a stable order in the spatio-temporal continuum: these elements can be perceived either by direct referents or by indirect and implicit referential signs. However, this order does not always provide an objective perception of the extent of the “duration” of elapsed time. Because the question of temporal density is raised by the qualitative nature of time. Abstract time is perceived from one person to another with a unique duration and tension, so the qualitative characteristic of this type of time causes abstract time to lose the characteristic of disaggregation or separability that is the indicator of objective time. This qualitative characteristic of abstract time is defined and interpreted by Bakhtin in the form of adventurous time. In studying the poem “The Enchantment of the World” by Parvin Etesami, we found that the perception of continuity and order between the time element and the space element is possible through the presence of at least one of the temporal or spatial signs, even in the absence of a temporal signifier, this spatial signifier provides the connection between the actualized spatial element and the potential temporal signifier and vice versa.   https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106874.html IntroductionMahsati Ganjavi, one of the most prominent quatrain poets in Persian literature and the earliest known Azerbaijani poetess, was born in Ganja in the late 5th century AH (11th century CE). She composed exquisite Shahr‑Ashoobs—poems depicting city life and its craftspeople—in the form of quatrains. Through her fluent and bold language, she vividly portrayed the social fabric of her time.As an innovative poet and a pioneer of women’s poetry in Persian literature, Mahsati broke new ground. Unfortunately, her original divan of Shahr‑Ashoobs has been lost, and no authoritative copy survives. What is currently attributed to her is a blend of authentic verses and spurious additions compiled in later centuries. The absence of rigorous scholarly research has made it difficult to separate genuine works from forgeries. Nevertheless, the few authentic quatrains that remain testify to her unique genius and courage.Based on historical accounts by literary scholars and historians (e.g., Khwandamir, 1333 HS: 521), Mahsati likely passed away in the second half of the 6th century AH (12th century CE). Her fame rests primarily on her quatrains, many of which are preserved in early sources. Although unsubstantiated narratives—such as the tale of Amir Ahmad and Mahsati—have overshadowed research into her life, the authentic surviving quatrains affirm her brilliance.Mahsati Ganjavi is remembered not only as a female poet but also as a resonant voice in classical Persian literature whose verses remain fresh and impactful centuries later. Her language is direct and fearless and her quatrains range from romantic to satirical to critical, always marked by candor. In a literary tradition dominated by masculine expression, Mahsati’s poetry embodies a distinctly feminine identity. With subtlety and courage, she asserted her individuality and left an unmistakable feminine imprint on Persian literary history. Theoretical Framework Research into the distortions surrounding the works and identity of Mahsati Ganjavi is not only necessary but represents an urgent scholarly priority within the study of classical Persian literature. Without such inquiry, the true image of this remarkable poet will remain obscured beneath layers of misrepresentation. The necessity of this research can be articulated along several key dimensions:Reviving Authentic Identity: Restoring the genuine identity of an influential poetess and reaffirming her rightful place in Persian literary history.Correcting Erroneous Attributions: Eliminating false poetic ascriptions and enabling precise stylistic analysis of her authentic works.Addressing Intentional Distortions: Identifying and rectifying deliberate textual and historical fabrications, while preventing the recurrence of such forgeries in future scholarship.Establishing an Authoritative Corpus: Laying the groundwork for a critical edition of her divan and distinguishing genuine quatrains from spurious or misattributed ones. Research Method This study adopts a descriptive–analytical approach, drawing upon a wide range of documented examples from diverse historical and literary sources. By systematically examining and critically analyzing these citations, the research seeks to address a central question: to what extent can the origins and roots of the misattributions concerning Mahsati Ganjavi’s identity and poetry be traced and identified?The methodological process involves:Collecting and categorizing textual evidence from medieval and modern sourcesConducting comparative analysis to distinguish authentic quatrains from spurious or misattributed onesEvaluating biographical narratives to identify distortions and deliberate fabricationsThe ultimate aim of this method is to reconstruct the authentic image of Mahsati Ganjavi and to separate her genuine poetic legacy from the multitude of erroneous attributions that have accumulated over time. FindingsThis research demonstrates, through documented evidence, the extent of distortions and forgeries affecting both the works and identity of Mahsati Ganjavi. It concludes that engagement with manuscript and printed sources related to Mahsati must be conducted with a critical and methodological perspective. The attribution of quatrains and poems to her requires meticulous scrutiny that goes beyond their mere presence in a single source, relying instead on multiple, corroborated pieces of evidence.The most significant cases identified include:Distortion of Mahsati’s nameAssignment of birth and death years without reliable documentationIncorrect attribution of 16 quatrains by five other female poets to MahsatiBaseless attributions in Nozhat al‑MajalesTampering with attributions in Munes al‑AhrarDistortions in the attributions within Assembly Manuscript No. 900Alteration of the text of a prominent quatrain by MahsatiDeliberate forgery of a quatrain’s text and its attribution to herThe article by Mir Abbas and its role in perpetuating contemporary distortions in Mahsati scholarshipForgery of a contemporary qazal under Mahsati’s nameAttribution of the poetic exchange between Nur Jahan and Jahangir Shah to Mahsati and SanjarUnsubstantiated attribution of poems in non‑quatrain forms to Mahsati  ConclusionThe investigation of distortions and forgeries in the works of Mahsati Ganjavi demonstrates that a significant portion of her celebrated legacy has been subjected to erroneous alterations, both intentional and accidental. From the manipulation of her name to the misattribution of poems—including even contemporary verses falsely ascribed to her—these issues demand serious scholarly re‑evaluation.This research not only contributes to uncovering Mahsati’s authentic identity but also offers a methodological model for critically assessing similar distortions in other literary figures. With heightened awareness of these falsifications, it becomes imperative to construct a realistic portrait of Mahsati and to redefine her rightful place in literary history.Regarding her poetry, the separation of authentic quatrains from spurious ones and the preparation of a critically corrected divan based on the oldest available sources are essential steps for Persian literary scholarship. Through such an approach, the genuine legacy of this remarkable poet can be preserved with fidelity and transmitted to future generations. https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106904.html Political and territorial boundaries have always constituted one of the most fundamental elements in the formation of states and collective identities. Boundaries are not merely the outcome of military power, economic capacity, or administrative organization; rather, in many historical contexts, they are deeply rooted in cultural patterns, historical consciousness, and the symbolic frameworks through which societies understand space and sovereignty. In Iranian history, particularly during the transitional period between the decline of premodern political orders and the emergence of centralized states, cultural and literary traditions played a decisive role in redefining the concept of “Iran” and its territorial limits. Focusing on the Safavid period, the present study examines the role of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh and other Iranian epic and historical texts in shaping the mental model of Iran’s borders, and argues that the political boundaries of Safavid Iran were not defined solely on the basis of Shiʿi ideology or Turco-Mongol political traditions, but were significantly influenced by pre-Islamic Iranshahr concepts preserved and transmitted through the Shahnameh.The main research question addressed in this article concerns the model upon which the political borders of Iran during the Safavid era were constructed. Specifically, it asks whether the Safavid rulers possessed a distinct mental conception of Iran as a territorial entity and, if so, what role the Shahnameh and other epic narratives played in raising historical awareness and contributing to the redefinition and stabilization of Iran’s borders. In addressing these questions, the study critically engages with scholarly interpretations that portray the Safavid state as a purely Shiʿi polity lacking any national or territorial consciousness, or as a political structure grounded exclusively in Turco-Mongol traditions of rule.Methodologically, the study adopts a descriptive–analytical approach based on an extensive examination of Persian historical texts produced during the Safavid period, both within the Safavid realm and in neighboring regions such as Mughal India, the Ottoman Empire, and Transoxiana. One of the methodological innovations of the article lies in its frequency-based analysis of the term “Iran” in Safavid-era historiography and its comparison with pre-Safavid historical writings. The findings reveal a marked increase in the use of the term “Iran” beginning in the early decades of Safavid rule, particularly following the consolidation of political power. This surge reflects a growing historical awareness of Iran as a distinct territorial entity and signals the emergence of a renewed political–cultural identity centered on the concept of Iran.The analysis demonstrates that Safavid historical sources increasingly portray Iran not as a fluid or contingent political domain, but as a land with relatively well-defined boundaries rooted in ancient tradition. These boundaries, especially in the eastern and western regions, closely correspond to the territorial model found in the Shahnameh and earlier Iranshahr literature, according to which the eastern frontier of Iran lies along the Oxus (Amu Darya/Jayhun) River and the western frontier along the Tigris and Euphrates. A close reading of historical narratives, military campaigns, diplomatic correspondence, and peace treaties indicates that even at the height of their military strength, the Safavid rulers generally refrained from permanent expansion beyond these symbolic borders and instead focused on defending and consolidating what they perceived as Iran’s historical territory.The political and military conduct of the Safavid shahs—particularly in their encounters with the Uzbeks in the east and the Ottomans in the west—further supports the argument that Safavid territorial policy was not primarily based on religious boundaries. Evidence such as the Safavids’ consistent avoidance of campaigns into the Hijaz despite its religious significance, or their reluctance to pursue sustained conquests beyond the Oxus, undermines the notion that Shiʿi ideology served as the principal framework for defining territorial limits. Rather, the repeated use of Iran–Turan and Iran–Rum dichotomies in official correspondence and historical narratives, as well as the conscious deployment of Shahnameh-inspired language and imagery, points to the deep influence of Iran’s epic-historical tradition on Safavid political imagination.Within this framework, the Shahnameh emerges as the most comprehensive literary repository of Iranshahr concepts and territorial symbolism. Beyond preserving the memory of Iran’s borders through mythological and historical narratives, the epic provided a coherent mental map that distinguished Iran from its others—most notably Turan and Rum. During the Safavid period, this symbolic geography, reinforced by court historians, bureaucrats, and literati who were deeply familiar with the Shahnameh, transcended the realm of cultural memory and entered the sphere of political practice. Its influence is evident both in the language of Safavid historiography and in the state’s practical policies aimed at defining, defending, and legitimizing Iran’s borders.The study concludes that although the Safavid state initially emerged from a religious movement centered on Shiism, its gradual consolidation involved an increasing reliance on Iranshahr ideology and historical consciousness. The Shahnameh played a pivotal role in this process by offering a culturally authoritative model of Iran’s territorial identity. The widespread reappearance of the name “Iran” in historical texts, the alignment of Safavid political borders with Shahnameh-based territorial concepts, and the rulers’ consistent adherence to these symbolic limits collectively indicate the formation of a relatively coherent mental model of Iran during the Safavid era. This model, deeply rooted in epic and historical tradition, can be regarded as a significant factor in the continuity of Iranian territorial identity beyond the medieval period.