دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 A Selective Version of the Shahnameh Stories for Presentation to Mahmud of Ghazni نسخه‌ای گزینشی از داستان‌های شاهنامه برای تقدیم به محمود غزنوی 5 31 107067 10.48308/hlit.2026.242819.1451 FA سید علی محمودی لاهیجانی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، واحد نجف‌آباد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، نجف‌آباد، ایران 0000-0003-0377-4418 Journal Article 2025 12 07 Introduction The dispersion of the panegyrics to Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni throughout the Shahnameh, in terms of their placement and the sequence of the narratives, lacks a clear logical justification if one assumes that a complete version of the work was presented. It may therefore be supposed that Ferdowsi did not incorporate these eulogies in a unified and systematic manner into the original version of the Shahnameh, or that they were added to the text by scribes in later periods, particularly after the poem had gained widespread renown. Moreover, certain verses at the beginning of the story of Khosrow and Shirin allude to Ferdowsi’s failure to secure Mahmud’s patronage and to the indifference of the Ghaznavid court an observation that may further complicate the question of the fate of the presentation copy and the manner of its reception. On this basis, drawing on the available evidence, the present study strengthens the hypothesis that the scattered nature of Mahmud’s panegyrics is not the result of later interpolations, but rather reflects the structure of a selective version that Ferdowsi prepared during the course of composing the Shahnameh for presentation to Mahmud of Ghazni. 2. Literature Review Scholars hold differing views regarding the time and manner in which the panegyrics to Mahmud of Ghazni were incorporated into the Shahnameh, as well as the date of its dispatch to the Ghaznavid court. Taqizadeh, Rajaʾi, Atash, Riahi, Kazzazi, Nahvi, Khaleghi-Motlagh, and Aydenlu argue that the panegyrics to Mahmud were composed after 400 AH, since Ferdowsi refers in the Shahnameh to the remission of taxes, an act that would have occurred either after the famine in Khurasan in 401 AH or following Mahmud’s Indian campaigns in 406 and 409 AH. Ritter, for his part, believed that the Shahnameh was sent to the Ghaznavid court “in installments”. Nevertheless, these views have paid comparatively little attention to the relationship between the placement of the panegyrics within the text and the form of the presentation copy itself. 3. Methodology The present study adopts an analytical-historical method and, drawing on internal textual evidence from the Shahnameh, examines the content of the panegyrics, the probable time of their composition, and their position within the narrative structure of the Shahnameh. It seeks to clarify the logic behind the dispersion of these eulogies and to propose a plausible reconstruction of the structure of the presentation copy prepared by Ferdowsi. 4. Discussion The prevailing assumption among many Shahnameh scholars is that Ferdowsi sent a “complete version” of the Shahnameh to the court at Ghazni; however, the dispersion of the panegyrics to Mahmud of Ghazni within the poem is not compatible with such an assumption. If Ferdowsi had intended to present a complete Shahnameh, the eulogies would have been expected to appear at the beginnings of the volumes or at least at the opening of the most important narratives, whereas no such pattern is observable in the text. The absence of this pattern suggests that the prevailing assumption should be reconsidered and that the actual form of the presentation copy must be re-examined. It may be hypothesized that Ferdowsi, rather than sending a complete Shahnameh, presented to the Ghaznavid court a selective compilation of the stories he had completed by that time or during the composition of which he had composed panegyrics to Mahmud, assembled in a separate volume. On this basis, the panegyrics to Mahmud mark the boundaries of those sections of the Shahnameh that were prepared to introduce Ferdowsi’s work to the court. This selective version was not conceived independently, but was designed during the composition and completion of the Shahnameh and was subsequently, for presentation purposes, likely extracted from the poem and fair-copied. Thus, by distinguishing the stories in which Ferdowsi inserted panegyrics to Mahmud, one may posit the existence of a coherent selective collection that he arranged for presentation to the court at Ghazni and for introducing his work. Some historical sources, however, such as Chahar Maqala by Nizami Aruzi describe the Shahnameh as having been presented as a complete work. This report offers only a general picture of the process of composition and presentation, and it should be noted that such accounts are typically late relative to the completion of the poem (400 AH) and contain numerous inconsistencies and contradictions. Therefore, while internal textual evidence alone is not conclusive, taken together and in light of the limitations of the historical sources, it strengthens the hypothesis of a selective presentation version prepared for Mahmud of Ghazni. 5. Conclusions An examination of the dispersion and placement of the panegyrics to Mahmud of Ghazni within Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh indicates that the assumption of a complete, polished, and unified version having been sent to the court at Ghazni is not supported by the evidence. The panegyrics are not only inconsistent in terms of their location, order, and coherence, but they also overlap temporally with specific stages of the poem’s composition, clearly preceding the completion of the entire work. These findings reinforce the likelihood that Ferdowsi composed the panegyrics during the course of creating the Shahnameh, rather than after its completion. A historical analysis of the panegyrics, coupled with evidence regarding Ferdowsi’s age, suggests that their composition most likely occurred within a limited period, between 390 and 394 AH, a time that coincides with the consolidation of Mahmud of Ghazni’s political power and the poet’s hope of securing courtly patronage. From this perspective, the panegyrics to Mahmud should be understood not as later interpolations by scribes, but as part of Ferdowsi’s strategy for preparing a presentation copy: a version in which the poet, while continuing to compose the Shahnameh, selected certain narratives for submission to the court. Based on this analysis, it can be concluded that the presentation copy of the Shahnameh sent to Mahmud of Ghazni was not a complete version of the poem, but a selective compilation of composed stories. The selection was deliberate rather than random, guided by themes such as military victory, territorial expansion, political legitimacy, justice, and the portrayal of the ideal king, while tragic episodes or narratives highlighting weakness, failure, or crises of royal legitimacy were omitted. The concentration of panegyrics in stories such as the Great War of Kay Khosrow, Daqiqi’s Sayings, Ferdowsi’s Sayings, the Seven Labors of Esfandiyar, Rostam and Shaghad, the reign of Darab, the Arsacids, Shapur son of Ardashir Babakan, Yazdegerd the Wrongdoer, and the contents of the Letter of Nowshinrowan to his son Hormazd, attests to this intentional selection. Moreover, the opening verses of the story of Khosrow and Shirin, in which Ferdowsi laments the indifference of the Ghaznavid court and his own failure to attract Mahmud’s attention, provide a crucial indication for reconstructing the fate of this presentation copy. These verses suggest that the selective Shahnameh, at least in the form Ferdowsi had intended, was not accepted, and that this failure and the consequent shift in audience is reflected within the text itself. پژوهش‌های پیشین دربارۀ تقدیم شاهنامۀ فردوسی به محمود غزنوی بیشتر بر فرض ارسال نسخۀ کامل شاهنامه تأکید دارند، اما پراکندگی مدایح محمود در شاهنامه نشان می‌دهد که این فرض نیازمند بازنگری است. از این رو پرسش اصلی این است که نسخۀ تقدیمی شاهنامه به محمود غزنوی چگونه بوده و چه اهدافی را دنبال می‌کرده است. این مقاله به روش تحلیلی ـ تاریخی و با تکیه بر شواهد درون‌متنی شاهنامه نشان می‌دهد که فردوسی احتمالاً نسخه‌ای گزینشی از داستان‌های سروده‌شده و در حال سرودن را فراهم آورده و با افزودن مدایح محمود غزنوی، آن را به دربار غزنه فرستاده است. تحلیل مدایح محمود در ابتدای برخی داستان‌ها نشان می‌دهد که فردوسی هم‌زمان با سرودن داستان‌ها، مدایح محمود را برای نسخه‌ای تقدیمی سروده و از میان داستان‌های سروده‌شده نیز مواردی را با موضوع پیروزی در جنگ‌ها، کشورگشایی، مشروعیت سیاسی و دادگستری و عدالتِ شاه انتخاب کرده است. فهرست این داستان‌ها شامل جنگ بزرگ کیخسرو، سخن دقیقی، سخن فردوسی، هفت‌خوان اسفندیار، رستم و شغاد، پادشاهی داراب، اشکانیان، پادشاهی شاپور پسر اردشیر بابکان، پادشاهی یزدگرد بزه‌گر و گفتار اندر نامۀ نوشین‌روان به پسرش هرمزد بوده است. انتخاب این داستان‌ها کاملاً آگاهانه بوده و با اهداف تبلیغی ـ سیاسی انجام گرفته و داستان‌های تراژیک یا نمونه‌هایی که ضعف و شکست شاهان را نشان می‌دهد، کنار گذاشته شده است. همچنین شواهد نشان می‌دهد که این نسخۀ گزینشی پذیرفته نشده و فردوسی، در پی این ناکامی، گلایه و درخواست خود را در مقدمۀ داستان خسرو با شیرین بیان کرده است.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107067_9076d166540eb271539f064b607b725e.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 The Second Tazkira of Women Poets and the Necessity of Its Editing دومین تذکرۀ زنان شاعر و ضرورت تصحیح آن 32 46 107126 10.48308/hlit.2026.243529.1463 FA هادی بیدکی استادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه مازندران، بابلسر، ایران 0000-0002-0718-7096 Journal Article 2026 02 10 1. Introduction The process of creation, culmination and transformation of the heritage of Persian literature must be sought in the history of its literature, a history of literature whose main part of its information is derived from the poets' tazkira.h. ki byl- ilavi, Ahmad Historically, tazkira writer and by following them, literary historians have focused and emphasized the introduction of poets and writers, so that more than 95% of literary figures who have been introduced in tazkiras and literary histories are men, but gradually, first the tazkira writers, then other writers, introduced some female poets alongside the male poets. Although the number of female poets introduced in sources was increasing from century to century, by the 10th century AH approximately 100 of them had been identified and introduced. Although in most general and even contemporary tazkiras of the 7th-14th centuries, at least a few female poets have been introduced alongside many other poets, Fakhri Heravi (970 AH) wrote the first tazkira of female poets called Jawahir al-Ajayeb, specializing in briefly introducing their biography and poems and covering 31 female poets from the beginning to the end of the 10th century in this tazkira, which led some tazkira writers to use his work as a model and pay more attention to introducing female poets; so that after his, some general tazkira writers, such as Ohadi Baliani, introduced more than 40 female poets in A’rafat al-Asheqin va A’rasat al-A’refin, and even two centuries after Fakhri and following his, an anonymous tazkira writer wrote the second tazkira of female poets and the main purpose of this article is to introduce and examine it. 2. Literature Review It seems that Naqavi (1964: 399-401) first introduced the manuscript of the aforementioned tazkira in Tazkiranevisi-ye Farsi dar Hind va Pakistan, then Golchin-e Ma’ani (1968: 247-250) also quoted Naqavi's contents in the Tarikh-e Tazkira-ha-ye Farsi until Naushahi (2012: 903-904) introduced the manuscript of this tazkira in the list of Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the Punjab University Central Library in Lahore (Pakistan), yet, so far, access to this manuscript is difficult or even impossible, so that before this article, no independent or related research has mentioned any additional information about this tazkira beyond the contents of Naqavi, Golchin-e Ma’ani, and Naushahi and even if this tazkira has been discussed in some books, theses, or articles, their contents are taken from the writings of the two aforementioned researchers and cataloger and even Roohanigiz Karachi (2015) in Tarikh-e She’r-e Zanan and Banafshe Hejazi (2017) in Zanan-e-Muaddab did not have access to the mentioned manuscript to use its content in their works. 3. Methodology This research uses theoretical and library method; therefore, its topics are based on manuscripts and printed books. 4. Discussion Since the information about our literary history of women poets and the literary situation of women, especially up to the 14th century AH, is very scarce and contradictory, it is necessary and useful that the sources of the history of women's literature, namely the tazkiras of women poets, be identified, edited, and researched as much as possible, so that the contribution of women in the history of Persian literature is determined. Although many of the tazkiras from the 13th century onwards have been lithographed or lettertyped so far, at least a few tazkiras of female poets were written in the 12th century, which are more noteworthy for being examined and edited, because less information is available about female poets before the 13th century and the tazkiras of the 13th century have copied or adapted most of their contents from tazkiras before them. One of these tazkiras of female poets in the 12th century AH is the subject of this article which contains some new information not mentioned in contemporary and future tazkiras, and some of its contents have been quoted with great influence in the tazkiras of the 13th century AH and onwards. Therefore, the content of the tazkira in question is significant and worthy of research both in terms of the novelty of the contents and in terms of its compatibility with other tazkiras. 5. Conclusion Despite the many tazkiras and literary histories that have been written so far, more than 95% of their content is about male poets, and there is still no acceptable information available about female poets; therefore, identifying, editing, and researching any type of work that includes the introduction of female Persian poets is very necessary and useful. The manuscript number pf I 22/1119 preserved in the Central Library of the University of the Punjab, Lahore, is the second tazkira of female Persian poets after Fakhri Heravi's Jawahir al-Ajayeb so far. Some pages are missing from the beginning and end of the manuscript, and this has prevented us from obtaining accurate information about the name of the book and its author. However, most of the manuscript has survived. This tazkira includes brief biography and poems of 38 female poets, whose author was most likely a native and resident of India and wrote this work there in 1174 AH. The historical range of the female poets in this tazkira is between the 4th and 12th centuries AH, and their earliest and latest are Rabia’e Qazdari and Khadija-Sultan, respectively. The number of female poets mentioned after the 10th century AH increases, and most of them either lived in Khorasan, Fararud, and India, or migrated to India from various cities in Iran. The author of the tazkira has ordered the biographies of the female poets according to the first letter of their names or pseudonyms and has written very briefly about some poets and more extensively about others. This tazkira includes new information, such as a complete biography or a few poems by some female poets, which are sometimes not mentioned in earlier or later tazkiras, and sometimes only later tazkiras have directly or indirectly adapted from it. However, the author of the tazkira has also benefited from historical works and tazkiras of poets and mystics before himself, such as Tarikh-e Wassaf, Nafahat al-Ons, Majalis al-Nafayes, Jawahir al-Ajayeb, Arafat al-Asheqin, Mirat al-Khiyal, and Riyaz al-Shu'ara. He has doubted some of the information from the sources and rejected some of the content of works such as Mirat al-Khiyal and Riyaz al-Shu'ara, and presented their opinions with a critical view and added his own perspective. However, he himself sometimes made mistakes or thought that he was the first to notice the mistakes of others, but previous writers of tazkiras were also aware of the issue. نسخۀ خطی شمارۀ pf I 22/ 1119 محفوظ در کتابخانۀ مرکزی دانشگاه پنجاب لاهور پس از جواهرالعجایب فخری تا کنون دومین تذکرۀ شاعرههای فارسیسرا به شمار میرود که شامل احوال و اشعار مختصر 38 شاعرۀ مقیم در ایران، فرارود و هند است. صفحات آغاز و انجام این تذکره افتاده و نام کتاب و مؤلف آن معلوم نیست، اما آگاهی مؤلف تذکره از شاعرههای فارسیگوی هند و جزئیات زبان هندی حاکی از آن است که او اهل و ساکن هند بودهاست. مؤلف تذکرۀ خود را در سال 1174ق تألیف و شاعرههای قرن 4-12ق را با توجه به حرف اول نام یا تخلص آنها ذیل 17 حرف الفبا تقسیمبندی و معرفی کردهاست که بیشترشان ایرانی، هندی و فرارودی به شمار میروند. این تذکره شامل اطلاعاتی تازه درحد سرگذشت کامل یا اشعاری از شاعرههاست که یا در تذکرههای قبل و بعد از آن مذکور نیست و یا تذکره‌های پس از آن بیواسطه یا باواسطه از آن اقتباس کردهاند. مؤلف تذکره از آثار تاریخی و تذکرههای شاعران و عارفان متقدم نیز استفاده و به برخی از آنها اشاره کردهاست. او دربارۀ مطالب برخی از منابع خود تردید داشته و بعضی از نظرات متقدمین را نپذیرفته و اشتباه دانستهاست، اما در برخی موارد در حین رفع خطای منابع خود نیز مرتکب لغزش شدهاست.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107126_f6c76c0f0a40a5c717ee8484b231abe8.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 An Analysis of Tazkira Accounts Concerning Ibn Naṣūḥ Shīrāzī (an 8th Century Poet) Based on Historical and Textual Evidence واکاوی گزارش تذکره‌ها دربارۀ ابن‌نصوح شیرازی (شاعر قرن هشتم) بر پایۀ شواهد تاریخی و متن‌شناختی 47 72 107268 10.48308/hlit.2026.242447.1446 FA مسلم نادعلی زاده استادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی اهل‌بیت، تهران، ایران 0000-0002-3545-4083 علی خالقیار دانش‌آموخته کارشناسی ارشد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی اهل‌بیت، تهران، ایران 0009-0005-3053-8420 سید یعسوب‌رضا رضوی دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی اهل‌بیت، تهران، ایران 0009-0004-2083-7729 Journal Article 2025 11 16 Ibn Naṣūḥ Shīrāzī is one of the prominent poets of the 8th century AH who, despite his significant presence at the Jalayirid court and his close engagement with the dominant poetic currents of his time, has received relatively little attention in the history of Persian literature. As a result, scattered, sometimes inaccurate, and insufficiently documented information concerning his life, works, and literary status has circulated in biographical dictionaries (tazkiras) and modern scholarship. Adopting a historical and text-critical approach and drawing on both early and later sources, manuscript evidence, and internal textual analysis of poetic materials, the present study seeks to provide a coherent and well-documented account of Ibn Naṣūḥ’s biography, works, intellectual orientations, and literary position. The findings demonstrate that a critical reassessment of the sources not only corrects several erroneous assumptions but also clarifies the poet’s status as one of the significant figures of 8th century Persian poetry. 1. Introduction The history of Persian literature abounds with poets who, despite their fame and influence during their own lifetimes, were gradually marginalized in later periods. Ibn Naṣūḥ Shīrāzī belongs to this group of poets. Living in the 8th century AH, he composed poetry in a wide range of genres, including qaṣīda, ghazal, mathnawī, and rubāʿī. The accounts provided by tazkira writers are generally brief, repetitive, and at times contradictory, which has prevented a proper understanding of his actual place within the Persian poetic tradition. The central concern of this study is therefore to reassess and critique these reports and to reconstruct Ibn Naṣūḥ’s life and works on the basis of reliable historical and literary evidence. 2. Literature Review Early sources constitute the most important body of information on Ibn Naṣūḥ. Among them, Tazkirat al-Shuʿarāʾ by Dawlatshāh Samarqandī is the earliest known source; although it refers to the poet’s reputation, it provides little precise biographical information. The most significant early source is Khulāṣat al-Ashʿār wa Zubdat al-Afkār by Taqī al-Dīn Kāshānī, which offers a relatively detailed biographical account and transmits a substantial selection of Ibn Naṣūḥ’s poetry. Works such as ʿArafāt al-ʿĀshiqīn by Awhadī Balyānī and Ṣuḥuf-i Ibrāhīm by ʿAlī Khalīl supply supplementary information, though they largely rely on Kāshānī’s account. In modern scholarship, Zabīḥollāh Ṣafā’s History of Literature in Iran has played a foundational role in introducing Ibn Naṣūḥ and has served as the basis for many subsequent studies. Nevertheless, certain inaccuracies—such as those concerning the number of verses in his dīvān or the dedication of the mathnawī Maḥabbat-nāma—have become entrenched in later works and thus require reconsideration. 3. Methodology This study employs a historical–analytical and text-critical methodology. Through a comparative examination of early and later tazkira sources, collation of manuscript materials, analysis of internal textual evidence from the poems, and correlation of literary data with the political and social events of the 8th century AH, the authors aim to present a documented and coherent narrative of Ibn Naṣūḥ’s life and oeuvre. Particular attention is paid to historical inconsistencies and to the use of poetic evidence as supplementary historical documentation. 4. Discussion The findings indicate that Ibn Naṣūḥ was originally from Shiraz but was raised in Tabriz, where he spent a substantial part of his life, as well as periods in Baghdad. He initially pursued the conventional sciences of his time and later gained renown in poetry and mysticism. His presence at the Jalayirid court—especially during the reigns of Sulṭān Ḥusayn and Sulṭān Aḥmad Jalayirī—consolidated his social and literary standing, and after the death of his master Salmān Sāvajī, he most likely attained the position of poet laureate (malik al-shuʿarāʾ). From an intellectual perspective, poetic evidence clearly indicates Ibn Naṣūḥ’s adherence to Twelver Shiʿism, a point that some later sources have questioned. Stylistically, his poetry continues the tradition of Sanāʾī, Saʿdī, and Ẓahīr al-Dīn Fāryābī, while displaying striking linguistic and thematic affinities with the works of Salmān Sāvajī and Ḥāfiẓ Shīrāzī. This stylistic convergence demonstrates that Ibn Naṣūḥ composed his poetry firmly within the mainstream poetic discourse of the 8th century. Beyond their literary value, Ibn Naṣūḥ’s works reflect the turbulent political and social conditions of the period marked by the collapse of the Ilkhanids and the emergence of local dynasties. His explicit references to insecurity, warfare, and social disorder render his dīvān a valuable source for historical and sociological studies of the era. Moreover, his mathnawī Maḥabbat-nāma occupies a distinctive position within the tradition of dah-nāma composition due to its structural innovations and its creative use of messengers. A close examination of the autograph manuscript of Khulāṣat al-Ashʿār establishes that the number of extant verses by Ibn Naṣūḥ is precisely 915. One of the most significant corrections proposed in this study is the rejection of the attribution of the dedicatee of Maḥabbat-nāma to Shaykh Kajjajī—a hypothesis previously suggested by Ṣafā. By comparing the date of Shaykh Kajjajī’s death (778 AH) with the completion date of Maḥabbat-nāma (788 AH), this study demonstrates that the work was in fact dedicated to Khwāja Jamāl al-Dīn ʿAlī Bū al-ʿIzz, Minister of Sulṭān Aḥmad Jalayirī. 5. Conclusion Through a critical re-examination of sources and an analysis of historical and literary evidence, the present study establishes Ibn Naṣūḥ Shīrāzī as a significant yet underrecognized poet of the 8th century AH. Correcting erroneous data—particularly regarding the number of verses in his dīvān and the dedication of Maḥabbat-nāma—and clarifying his religious orientation and literary status constitute the main contributions of this research. The results indicate that Ibn Naṣūḥ was not only an influential poet in his own time, but that his works remain a valuable resource for contemporary literary, historical, and cultural studies. ابن نصوح شیرازی یکی از شاعران مهم قرن هشتم، شاگرد سلمان ساوجی و به‌احتمال علاء الدّولۀ سمنانی و معاصر خواجوی کرمانی و حافظ شیرازی، است که در کتاب‌های مربوط به تاریخ ادبیات، چنان که بایسته و شایسته است، به او پرداخته نشده و بعضاً اطّلاعات نادرست و غیر مستندی از زندگی و احوال و آثارش گزارش شده است. در این پژوهش با استفاده از منابع متقدم و متأخر و نیز تحقیقات تاریخی و ادبی و با استناد به اشعار و آثار باقی‌مانده، تلاش شده است که سیر زندگیِ او از تولد تا پیوستن به دربار جلایریان و سپس نشستن در جایگاه شاعر اول دربار نشان داده شود. سپس با یادآوریِ استادان و ممدوحان و سفرها و آثار او (دیوان اشعار و مثنوی محبّت‌نامه یا ده نامه)، به بیان انعکاس اتفاقات تاریخی و اجتماعی در شعرش پرداخته شده است تا جایگاه دیوان ابن نصوح به مثابۀ آینه‌ای برای تحقیقات جامعه‌شناختی و تاریخی آن روزگار روشن گردد. در نهایت تلاش شده است که تأثیرپذیریِ این شاعر شیعه مذهب از سخن‌سرایان پیشین همچون سنایی، سعدی و ظهیرالدّین فاریابی بازیابی شود و ضمن بررسیِ قرابت‌های لفظی و محتوایی میان اشعار او و هم‌عصرانش همچون سلمان ساوجی و حافظ شیرازی، جایگاه شعریِ وی برای پژوهشگران زبان و ادب فارسی تبیین گردد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107268_1735421093f498fe44ccfad47e46162b.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 A Study of Some Proper Nouns in Shams's Ghazals بررسی برخی اعلام غزلیات شمس 73 94 107001 10.48308/hlit.2026.240913.1419 FA امیر سلطان محمدی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران 0000-0003-2115-6461 Journal Article 2025 07 31 Introduction Every poetic divan and every poetic system of thought is a reflection of the poet's living conditions. The culture, religion, creed, profession, studies, and specific circumstances of each poet are reflected in their poetry. Rumi is no exception to this rule. Apart from literary and poetic images, Shams ghazals of Rumi are full of religious, historical, and cultural information. This information is derived from his life conditions. The inclusion of this information in Rumi's poetry has made understanding some verses conditional on knowing this information. One of the themes used in Rumi's ghazals is the use of proper nouns. Some of these proper names are clear and do not require new research, but some of them are unknown and sometimes ambiguous. Understanding some of Rumi's verses also requires understanding these specific names and the narrations related to them. The vastness of Rumi's studies and his biocultural background has made him benefit from this statement. Examples of these proper names are sometimes found only in Rumi's Divan. Literature Review Regarding the research background, Badi' al-Zaman Foruzanfar is ahead of everyone. In the explanation section of Shams's general research, he has provided explanations for many words, including proper nouns. He either provided inadequate explanations for some of the proper nouns or ignored some of the proper nouns. This is due to the difficult days he spent researching this great work. In some other works, such as the selection of Rumi's ghazals by Shafi'i Kadkani, some of the declarations have been noted in a vague and brief form. Inconsistent and insufficient information is also mentioned in secondary works such as those of Zarrin Koob and Abedi. Apart from these sources, there is not much good material available for solving problems related to proper nouns. Therefore, the present research is one of the pioneering studies in this field. Methodology The research method in this study is generally library-based. First, the desired proper noun was selected as an entry from Shams's ghazals. Then, the research conducted on that specific name was reviewed and criticized. Finally, the specific name in question was examined by referring to library sources such as historical and narrative books. This study clarified the ambiguous space of the proper noun under study. The results of this research also shed light on the poetry's atmosphere. Discussion In Rumi's poems, he sometimes uses specific names, the ambiguity of which makes his poems ambiguous. Sometimes this ambiguity is about the proper noun itself, meaning it is not clear who or what the noun is used for. Paratextual studies ultimately clarify who the specific name in question is and what its function is in the context of Rumi's poetry. Sometimes the proper noun used is clear, but the narrative context in which it is used is ambiguous. Research into the narrative in question helps Rumi's poetry gain a clear meaning. Sometimes Rumi's use of proper nouns also reflects his way of thinking. One of the specific names discussed in this research is "Ulayyaneh", a quasi-mad figure in some narrative and mystical books. The other is "Hisham ibn Mughirah", one of the polytheist leaders of Quraysh, whose name is among those killed in the Battle of Badr. Another specific name is "Bani-Kananah" from Arab tribes whose historical adventures date back to before and after Islam. "Wael" is also one of the tribes whose long adventures between the branches of this tribe have been legendary among the Arabs. "Khawaja Nasaj Bukhari" was one of the less famous mystics who is reflected in ghazals of Shams. "Abu al-Ma'ali Juwayni" is another statement worth examining, and clarifying aspects related to his narrations sheds light on Rumi's poems. "Damiriyat" is one of the marginalia of the Prophet Solomon, although Rumi did not mention his name and included a story about him in a verse. And "Boubakr Rababi" is one of the cultural figures used by Rumi in his poems. Conclusion A review of some of the declarations in library sources primarily clarified the ambiguous space of the proper name. Examining some of the statements in library sources in all the poems clarified the space of the poem. Some examples, such as "Khawaja Nasaj Bukhari", "Boubakr Rababi", and "Alian", have either been incorrectly explained in previous sources and research or have been left with general explanations. In some cases, no research had been conducted at all regarding some of the announcements and this research was the gateway to this announcement; "Wa'il" and "Bani-Kananah" are examples of this. Some of the statements, despite being clear, required narrative explanation in a specific case to clarify the atmosphere of the verse, an example of which is "Abu al-Ma'ali Juwayni". All the studies ultimately resulted in clarifying the meaning of some of the verses. کلیات شمس در کنار لطافت و ظرافت‌های شعری، خیال‌انگیزی‌های ناب، اوزان پر دامنه و تصویرسازی‌های منحصر به فرد، دایرة‌المعارفی از اطلاعات ناب در زمینه‌های گوناگون است. روایات دینی، اطلاعات تاریخی و لوازم فرهنگی ایرانی ـ اسلامی در شعر مولوی جلوه‌ای پررنگ دارد. یکی از نمودهای این بهره‌گیری در تصویرهای اَعلام فرهنگی ـ تاریخی است که بیانگر تطبیق و تطابق آنها با کتب تراجم احوال و همخوانی‌های جزئی تصویر ابیات با این منابع است. مولانا بارها از اعلامی بهره برده‌است که به لحاظ فرهنگی جالب توجه و گاه کمتر شناخته‌شده‌اند و این موضوع بیانگر احاطۀ او به منابعی است که اعلام تاریخی و فرهنگی بازتاب دارد. ظرافت خاص او در بهره‌گیری از این اعلام شایستۀ توجه است. برخی از این اعلامِ کمترشناخته‌شده محل توجه و اختلاف نظر پژوهشگران بوده‌است. پژوهش‌های پیرامتنی گاه جنبه-های کمتر شناخته‌شدۀ این اعلام را عیان می‌سازد؛ علی‌الخصوص که مولانا گاه در این ابیات نشانه‌هایی از روایات خاص از این اَعلام را مندرج می‌کند که کلید نزدیک شدن و کشف شخص مورد نظر و گاه روشن شدن جوانب تاریک آن شخص می‌گردد؛ یعنی گاه نشانه‌هایی در ابیات مندرج است که راهبر به روایاتی تاریخی است که هم باعث آشکارگی جنبه‌های شخصیتی-هویتیِ اَعلام می‌گردد و هم با رجوع به روایت فضای بیت روشن‌تر می‌گردد. از نمونه‌هایی که در این پژوهش به آنها پرداخته‌شده‌است یکی «عُلَیّانه» از متماجنین، دیگری «هشام بن مُغیره» از سران مشرک قریش، همین‌طور «بنی‌کنانه» از قبایل عرب و ماجراهای تاریخی مربوط به آن و همچنین «وائل»، «خواجۀ نساج بخاری» و «ابوالمعالی جوینی» است که هم از اعلام پر چالش در پژوهش‌های مولاناشناسی و هم یاری‌رسان در درک معنای ابیات است. روش پژوهش در این وجیزه نیز کتابخانه‌ای است.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107001_061d9286ca0307195e7ce0185587f939.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 Molana in the Contemporary Arab World مولانا در جهان معاصر عرب 95 110 107023 10.48308/hlit.2025.238424.1362 FA حجت رسولی استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات عربی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران 0000-0003-1071-5256 Journal Article 2025 01 19 Introduction The acquaintance of the Arab world with Persian literature and its luminaries has undergone many ups and downs throughout history. In the contemporary era, especially in the past century, the Arab world’s familiarity with Persian literature has increased significantly. This is due to scientific and cultural exchanges between Iran and Arab countries, especially Egypt, as well as the exchange of professors and students. The familiarity of Arab literati with the Persian language has led to the translation of many Persian poets’ works into Arabic and this has enabled Arab scholars to gain a deeper understanding of Persian literature and conduct further research in this field. Among them, Molana Jalal al-Din Mohammad Balkhi (Rumi) (604–672 AH) is one of the great Persian poets whose character has transcended the borders of Iran and the Persian language, making him a global figure. His works, especially the Masnavi-e Ma’navi, are known worldwide. It is no surprise that in recent years, in countries like the United States, which is recognized as a leader in science and technology, people have turned to Rumi’s poetry. As a result, Coleman Barks’s translation of Rumi’s poems, titled The Essential Rumi, has been greatly welcomed and has been among the top best-selling books in America in recent years. It is obvious that the root of this popularity must be sought in the greatness of Rumi’s character and the spiritual and mystical depth of his works. This article attempts to examine Rumi’s position and works in the contemporary Arab world and to answer the following question: What efforts have been made to understand Rumi in the Arab world? Also, who are the Arab researchers of Rumi, and by whom, in what manner, and from when have Rumi’s works been translated into Arabic? 2. Literature Review Among the journals devoted to the publication of the Persian language and culture in Arab countries, first and foremost, one must mention the journal al-Dirasat al-Adabiyya, which for years has been published by the Center for Persian Language and Literature at the Lebanese University. This journal, dating back to 1338 SH (1959 AD), has published articles on Rumi, and one of its issues in 1382 SH (2003 AD) was dedicated to Jalal al-Din Mohammad Rumi. An independent article on the subject is “Jalal al-Din Rumi in the Works of Arab Researchers” by Youssef Bakkar in the aforementioned special issue (1382 SH), which provides a list of Rumi’s translated works and publications about Rumi in Arabic up to 2000 (Bakkar, 2003: p. 177). Besides this, mention should be made of the journal al-Muntada, published in Egypt, which also published articles about Rumi. Issue 21 of the journal Fekr va Fan in 1973 also dedicated a special issue to Rumi. Additionally, Mohammad al-Seba’i wrote an article titled “Jalal al-Din Rumi Between Ibn Arabi and Muhammad Iqbal and His Translations and Studies in the Arabic Language”, which was published in the aforementioned special issue (Seba’i, 2003: p. 14). Narges Ganji and Fatemeh Eshraghi, in an article titled “A Reflection on Works and Sources of Rumi Studies in the Arab World”, provided a report on the works published about Rumi, including translations and authored works in book and article format up to 2010 (Ganji & Eshraghi, 2013: pp. 159–185). In the introduction to the first volume of the valuable book Masnavi by Jalal al-Din al-Rumi, the Greatest Sufi Poet, Mohammad Abd al-Salam Kafafi dedicated pages to researchers on Rumi and reviewed the translations of Rumi’s works into Arabic, making it a key source on this subject. Mohammad Mohammadi, whose efforts to introduce Persian literature and Iranian culture in the Arab world are well-known, has, in his works and articles published over the years in various journals, addressed the status of the Masnavi in the Arab world and the efforts of Arab thinkers in this field, including in the book Persian Literature in Its Most Important Periods and Most Famous Figures, published in 1967 at the University of Lebanon. Annemarie Schimmel, in her valuable work translated into Persian as The Splendor of Shams, briefly mentioned researchers of Rumi. Franklin D. Lewis, in his work Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, besides Western and Eastern researchers on Rumi, has mentioned Arab researchers as well (Zeinivand & Dolatiari, 2012: p. 102). Vahid Bahmardi, Professor of Arabic Literature at the American University of Beirut, briefly referred to some books and articles published in Arab circles introducing Jalal al-Din Rumi in a footnote to his article “Jalal al-Din Rumi in His Arabic Ghazals” (Bahmardi, 2003, p. 40). Tal’at Abu Farha, in an article titled “Highlights on Persian Studies in Egypt,” published in the book Aspects of Cultural Connections between Egypt and Iran, also referred to some works published about Rumi in Egypt. Khaled Mohammad Abdeh, in a lecture available online, refers to the background of Rumi studies since the seventeenth century in Turkish and Arabic and provides a report on prominent Rumi researchers in the Arab world from the nineteenth century onwards (Abdeh, https://youtu.be/gso1VRMZ8YA?si=teFLHD24LM4qO_1G:2019). Finally, Hojjat Rasouli in a study titled “Molana Jalal al-Din Rumi in the Contemporary Arab World”, conducted in 1391 SH (2012 AD), provided a report on Rumi researchers up to that time, which needs updating (https://rasekhoon.net/article/show/668622). These efforts offer an incomplete picture of Rumi studies in the Arab world, but presenting a complete and relatively comprehensive picture is the aim of this article. 3. Research Methodology To achieve the objectives and answer the posed questions, we have tried to gather the required information and materials from books and journals published in Persian and Arabic about Rumi by using library search methods and consulting written sources. Based on the descriptive and historical research method, the existing documents have been examined. 4. Analysis The understanding of Rumi in the contemporary Arab world followed a movement that took shape in the last century regarding Persian language and literature in Arab countries, with Egyptians recognized as the pioneers of this movement. The outcome of this movement was the emergence of a generation of Arab scholars and literati who earnestly introduced Iranian culture and literature and translated significant scientific and literary works from Persian, including Persian poetry collections. Among them, a number of Arab scholars, through their acquaintance with Rumi and especially his Masnavi-e Ma’navi, endeavored to introduce him to Arab society and translate part or all of the Masnavi. 5. Conclusion Although in the contemporary era, Europeans became acquainted with Rumi earlier than Arabs, and European Orientalists made great efforts to study and introduce Rumi and his works to the world—resulting in valuable works being published in the West—Arab speakers followed after Westerners in this field. Nonetheless, the Arab world has not been unfamiliar with Rumi, and considerable efforts have been made by Arab speakers to study and introduce him. Each Arab researcher has made valuable contributions to introducing Rumi and his works to the Arab world, resulting in the publication of numerous books and articles in Arabic. The first effort to introduce Rumi in the Arab world dates back to the translation and commentary of the Masnavi by Youssef bin Ahmad in 1872 AD, titled Al-Manhaj al-Qawi li Tulab al-Sharif al-Masnavi. The broad and serious acquaintance of the Arab world with Rumi’s works in the first half of the twentieth century happened through the writings of the Arab thinker and literati Abd al-Wahhab Azzam. Since then, many literary figures and enthusiasts of Iranian culture have engaged in Rumi studies and the translation of his works. Among the most prominent Rumi researchers in the Arab world, in addition to Abd al-Wahhab Azzam, are Mohammad Abd al-Salam Kafafi, Ibrahim Desouki Sheta, and Issa Ali Akoub. Besides these, many Arab speakers have conducted research about Rumi, resulting in multiple translations of his works and the publication of outstanding books and articles about his life and works in Arabic. In recent years, Rumi researchers have introduced new aspects of his character and works through the publication of new articles and books, employing innovative approaches such as the novel and psychology. مولانا جلال الدین محمد بلخی (604-672هـ . ق) یکی از شاعران بزرگ فارسی‌زبان است که به تمدن اسلامی تعلق دارد و جا دارد که در جهان اسلام از جمله در کشورهای عرب‌زبان شناخته شده باشد ولی از سویی ارتباط او با زبان فارسی می‌تواند مانعی بر سر راه معرفی او در جهان عرب باشد. اینکه در کشورهای عرب‌زبان چه شناختی از مولانا وجود دارد و چه میزان برای معرفی این شاعر عارف تلاش شده است به‌رغم تحقیقات صورت‌گرفته به نظر می‌رسد که همچنان نیاز به پژوهش دارد. از این رو، این نوشته کوشیده است جایگاه مولانا و آثار او را در جهان معاصر عرب بررسی کند و به این سوال پاسخ دهد که چه تلاش‌هایی برای شناخت مولانا صورت گرفته است؟ همچنین مولاناپژوهان عرب‌زبان و مترجمان آثار وی به زبان عربی چه کسانی هستند ؟ برای رسیدن به مقصود بر اساس روش تحقیق توصیفی و تاریخی و به شیوۀ جست‌وجوی کتابخانه‌ای و مراجعه به مستندات مکتوب مطالب به‌دست‌آمده تحلیل شد. این بررسی نشان داد که هرچند روزگار مولوی‌پژوهان بزرگ در جهان عرب به سر آمده و مولوی‌پژوهی به تبع تحولات اجتماعی و سیاسی با نشیب و فرازهایی همراه بوده ولی چراغ این تلاش خاموش نشده و کم و بیش مولوی‌پژوهان جوان و علاقه‌مندان به آثار مولانا به تحقیق دربارۀ آثار این شاعر بلند آوازه یا ترجمۀ آثار او اهتمام دارند اگرچه این میزان تلاش هنوز با جایگاه و اهمیت آثار مولانا فاصلۀ بسیاری دارد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107023_75ecf073a0aed8b51d2c1e7ef4246735.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 The Life and Times of Zulfaqar Sharwani زندگی و زمانۀ ذوالفقار شروانی 111 133 107010 10.48308/hlit.2025.240335.1400 FA احمد بهنامی استادیار گروه فرهنگ‌نویسی، فرهنگستان زبان و ادب فارسی، تهران، ایران 0000-0002-0903-6566 Journal Article 2025 06 07 Introduction Genghis Khan of the Mongols began the conquest of Iran and other western territories of the Mongol settlements in 1219 CE (616 AH). However, the complete conquest of Iran was not achieved during Genghis Khan’s lifetime. It was his grandson, Hulagu Khan, who in 1253 CE (651 AH) completed the territorial acquisitions of his grandfather. The Ilkhanid period, corresponding to the 13th and early 14th centuries CE (6th and early 7th centuries AH) in Iran, contrary to common misconception, was not entirely a period of devastation. Despite considerable turmoil and hardship, the Mongol invasions destroyed only a few major cities in Transoxiana (Farārood) and Khorasan. Many ancient Iranian cities such as Shiraz, Isfahan, Yazd, Kerman, Shushtar, Herat, and others were spared from total destruction. The Mongols devastated cities like Bukhara, Samarkand, and Gurganj in Transoxiana, as well as Marv Shah-Jahan and Nishapur in Khorasan. However, the local dynasties and rulers of Iran who accepted Mongol suzerainty (Ilkhanid overlordship) managed to protect their domains from destruction. Iranian and non-Iranian dynasties that embraced Iranian culture and, in some cases, had governed since the 13th century continued to rule during and after the Ilkhanid period into the Timurid era. They administered their territories and fostered Persian art and literature. During this era, some of Iran’s most prominent poets emerged, including Saadi, Majd Hamgar, Fakhr al-Din Iraqi, and dozens of other distinguished poets and writers. Among the poets of this period was Sayyed Qawam al-Din Sharwani, known by his pen name Zulfaqar (died after 1296 CE / 695 AH). Due to the absence of a comprehensive published collection of his works, little research has been conducted on his poetry and biography. He or his family originated from Sharwan, and according to his own claims, his lineage traced back to the kings of that region. Names such as “Qawam al-Din Husayn ibn Sadr al-Din Ali” mentioned in biographical anthologies are not authentic; the poet should be referred to simply as Sayyed Qawam al-Din, or most likely Sayyed Qawam al-Din Ali. Literary review In 1934, a facsimile edition of the Divān of Zulfaqār Sharwani was published in London through the efforts of Edward Edwards. The most authoritative study about him appears in A History of Iranian Literature by Zabihallah Safa (Safa, 1990: 518-521). Among the published works on Zulfaqar Sharwani are the entry “Zulfaqar Sharwani” in Encyclopedia of the World of Islam (Moravveji, 2019), “Majd Hamgarʼs Name in the Divan of Zulfaqar Sharwani” (Safari Aqqale, 2008), and “Zulfaqār Sharwāni” in The Great Islamic Encyclopedia (Dadbeh, 2019). In addition, Sajjadi (1957), Rasfar and Esma’ili Tazekandi (2011), Idgah Torqabe’i (2018), Mirafzali (2024), Behnami and Bayani (2024) have all addressed aspects of his life and work. In 1984 Jafar Moqaddas produced a critical edition of the Divan of Zulfaqar Sharwani as his doctoral dissertation. Due to numerous inaccuracies concerning his dissertation the work is of limited scholarly reliability. Methodology The present study clarifies ambiguous aspects of his life through an examination of Zulfaqar Sharwani’s Divan and by consulting various sources. It especially investigates his patrons. The methodology employed is library research combined with textual analysis. Discussion In the Divan of Zulfaqar Sharwani, numerous details about his life can be found. In one of his important fakhriya (self-praise) qasidas, he states his lineage as follows: maternally, he is descended from the "grandchildren of the kings of Islam" (it is unclear which kings he refers to), and paternally, he traces his pure lineage to Imam Hasan and Imam Husayn (peace be upon them). He then enumerates his various skills, which include poetry in Persian and Arabic, prose and poetry composition in "six languages" (likely five of these being Persian, Arabic, Turkish, Azerbaijani, and Khuzistani), prose writing, wisdom, astronomy, calligraphy, geomancy (raml), medicine, preaching, music, alchemy, history, dream interpretation, logic, lexicography, grammar, morphology, playing musical instruments, swimming, chess, warfare, horsemanship, mysticism, and more. In his poetry, he frequently references earlier poets such as Ferdowsi, Unsuri, Azraqi, Anvari, and Khaghani, but aside from a few instances, he seldom mentions his birthplace and origin, Sharwan. Numerous verses in his Divan reveal a strong respect for Imam Ali (peace be upon him) and intense enmity toward the enemies of the Imam. The presence of such verses increases the likelihood that he was a Shia. In Zulfaqar Sharwani’s Divan, there is no evidence of eulogizing the Khwarazmshahs. Instead, he mainly praises the Ilkhans, Iranian officials of their government, Iranian dynasties within Iran, and local tribal rulers such as the Greater and Lesser Atabegs of Lur in Khuzestan and Lorestan, the Qara Khitai of Kerman, as well as families like Al-e Sa‘id and Al-e Golestaneh in Isfahan. Biographical compilers have considered Zulfaqar Sharwani a panegyrist of Atabak Yusuf Shah of Lur, though his Divan contains little direct praise for this ruler. Due to the frequent use of honorific titles such as Sadr al-Din, ‘Izz al-Din, Rukn al-Din, Jamal al-Din, Safi al-Din, and others during past centuries, it is not possible to conclusively identify his patrons from his qasidas. However, after several years of research, the author of this article has come to some reasonably certain conclusions regarding Zulfaqar’s patrons. These include Sultan Ahmad Tegudar, Ghikhatu Khan, Ata Malik Juwayni, Jamal al-Din Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Mansur Dastjerdani, Imad al-Din Iranshah ibn Muhammad ibn Mansur Dastjerdani, Fakhr al-Din Muhammad al-Mastri—who composed his famous qasida titled Mafatih al-Kalam wa Mada’ih al-Kiram in praise of him—Sharaf al-Din Tahamtan Lur, Sadr al-Din Yusuf Hamgar, Qawam al-Din Ismail Hamgar, Rukn al-Din Mas’ud Sa‘id, Jalal al-Din Muhammad Golestaneh, Sultan Muzaffar al-Din Qara Khitai, Sultan Jalal al-Din Siyurgatmish Qara Khitai, Padishah Khatun Qara Khitai, ‘Ismat al-Din Turkan Khatun from the Atabegs of Yazd, ‘Ismat al-Din Turkan Khatun from the Qara Khitai of Kerman, Shahab al-Din Qawam al-Mulk, Sadr al-Din Abhari, Bubaqar Shah, Salah al-Din Hasan Bulghari—a prominent Sufi of the 7th century AH, Taj al-Din Imad al-Mulk Miran, Fakhr al-Mulk Nizam al-Din Mahmoud, and Atabak Yusuf Shah of the Atabegs of Yazd. Conclusion Zulfaqar Sharwani most likely spent the longest period of his life in Kerman and Shushtar, and he composed numerous panegyrics especially for the ministers and officials of the Qara Khitai court in Kerman. Based on the information presented in this article, it can be concluded that Zulfaqar Sharwani resided in Yazd around 1263 CE (662 AH), and possibly even earlier. Towards the end of that century, approximately 1270 CE (668 AH) and shortly thereafter, he lived in Isfahan, and spent some time in Kerman. From around 1272 CE (671 AH) to 1282 CE (681 AH), he was in Shushtar; from 1282 CE to approximately 1312 CE (694 AH), he resided in Kerman; and in 1313 CE (695 AH), he returned to western or southwestern Iran. Acknowledgments The author expresses his utmost gratitude to Professor Ali Ashraf Sadeghi and other honorable members and officials at the Academy of Persian language and Literature for providing access to most of the resources used in this article, without which this research could not have been possible. در دورۀ ایلخانان، یعنی سدۀ هفتم و اوایل سدۀ هشتم هجری قمری بسیاری از شهرهای کهن ایران با وجود برخی از آسیب‌ها و کشتارها، از ویرانی کامل در امان ماندند و سلسله‌های پادشاهی ایرانی‌نژاد و غیرایرانی‌نژادِ دارای فرهنگ ایرانی که بعضاً از سدۀ ششم حکومت داشتند، در تمام دوران ایلخانان و بعد از آن برپا بودند و به ادارۀ سرزمین‌ها و نیز پروردن هنر و ادب مشغول بودند. در این دوره برخی از برجسته‌ترین شاعران بزرگ ایران نظیر سعدی، مجد همگر، فخرالدین عراقی و ده‌ها تن دیگر پرورش یافتند. از جمله شاعران این دوران سیدقوام‌الدین شروانی متخلّص به ذوالفقار (درگذشته پس از 691ه.ق.) است که به دلیل منتشر نشدن دیوان او، تحقیقات چندانی دربارۀ شعر و زندگی او صورت نپذیرفته است. خود وی یا خاندان او از شروان برخاسته بودند و به ادعای خودش نسب او به پادشاهان آن ناحیه می‌رسیده است. احتمالاً نام اصلی او سیّدقوام‌الدین علی است. در مقالۀ حاضر با بررسی دیوان ذوالفقار شروانی و با استفاده از منابع مختلف، نکات مبهم زندگینامۀ او روشن شده است و به‌ویژه دربارۀ ممدوحین وی پژوهش شده است. وی چند خاندانِ شهیر اصفهان، کرمان، یزد، شیراز و لرستان را مدح کرده است و به اقامت و سکونت در برخی از شهرها اشاره کرده است، همچنین از خلال این تحقیق تا حدّی روابط او با برخی از شاعران هم‌دوره‌اش روشن شده است. روش این تحقیق کتابخانه‌ای است و در آن از تحلیل متن نیز بهره گرفته شده است.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107010_4f575fb7a099c70e6ada353f18b569f5.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 “Zowqesm” (Poetic Appellations) in the Courts of the Islamic Era: Introduction and Analysis of a Literary Tradition ذوق‌اسم در دربارهای دوران اسلامی؛ معرفی و بررسی یک سنت ادبی 134 155 107022 10.48308/hlit.2026.243081.1455 FA محسن نصیری استادیار گروه فرهنگ و معارف اسلامی، دانشگاه علم و صنعت ایران، تهران، ایران 0000-0002-3557-6777 Journal Article 2025 12 29 Introduction If Dari (Persian) is considered the “shared cultural language of the Eastern empires” – from its adoption as an administrative language by the Sāmānids in the first half of the 10th century, to the fall of the Ottoman Empire in the early 20th – the phrase “the millennium of the Dari Empire” may rightly designate that era. Throughout this millennium, within its vast geography, numerous dynasties and diverse peoples ruled, yet Dari functioned as the common medium across that expanse. Among many sovereigns – from Mongolia and Indonesia to Eastern Europe and the northern and eastern coasts of Africa – Persian names are found. This paper focuses on a distinct aspect of those Persian names in Islamic courts, where poetic imagination played a conspicuous role. The Ottoman Empire provides a vivid example: its court registers contain a plethora of Persian names. Apart from their linguistic form – names such as GolČičak, EmsālNur, QončeNegār, or DorreNow – these Ottoman names invite questions: Were they conventional female names of their time? What do some, such as PartowNahāl or PiruzFalak, mean and how were they interpreted? Why and how did names like NaqšeDel, TireMozhgān, or NāvakMesal, reminiscent of poetic metaphors, enter courtly naming? How could seemingly adverse names such as DelĀšub (heart‑troubler) or NālānDel (lamenting heart) become appellations for beloveds of the court? May a shared aesthetic principle be discerned among them? This study argues that the “Persian poetic mindset” gave rise to such names and seeks to demonstrate and analyze this claim. As Persian poetry evolved throughout the Islamic period – progressing from its early classical forms toward late traditional ones – the role of poetry increasingly permeated the life of the Persian‑speaking world. By the 16th and 17th centuries, poetry had become nearly all‑encompassing; life itself seemed to begin and end with poetry. Moreover, Persian poetic theory came to favor compression: the independence of the verse and ultimately the single line. Did poetic imagination extend to linguistic structures smaller than the mesrā'? These two tendencies – the poeticization of all life aspects (including naming) and the aesthetic of succinct artistic expression – together sustained the “tradition of ‘Zowqesm’” or poetic Persian names. Poetry first influenced honorifics and epithets, then personal names, investing them not only with linguistic but with artistic purpose. Literature Review Research devoted to Persian names – especially from literary and aesthetic standpoints – is strikingly scarce. The present study may be regarded as a complement to Annemarie Schimmel’s “Islamic Names” (1997), which occasionally approaches the idea underlying this paper but omits any recognition of the millennial tradition of Persian poetic and aesthetic naming explored here. Methodology Continuous engagement with courtly names during teaching and academic research gradually led the author to hypothesize that the poetic quality, broad geographical spread, and thousand‑year longevity of certain names constitute distinct evidence for a “tradition of poetic naming” in Persian culture. This hypothesis was pursued through extensive library study and note‑taking from texts containing Islamic‑era court names, resulting in a large catalogue of poetic Persian names. The present paper, as a first step in examining this literary‑historical tradition, demonstrates the existence of such aesthetic naming and offers a rhetorical‑stylistic analysis of these names as products of “artistic language”. Discussion The structure of a “Zowqesm” (poetic name) may be described as a composite of the following features: Defamiliarization and novelty: A poetic name evokes surprise through unfamiliarity or unprecedented usage – just as an innovative metaphor does in poetry. For instance, XubNegār likens the bearer to an image or idol of beauty, renewing the worn metaphor Negār by defamiliarizing it through the addition of Xub. Verse‑likeness: Poetic names inherit rhythm, mesra', distich, and rhyme common in Persian verse. Nearly all are two‑part structures – analogous to a distich – and often exhibit internal sound repetition (e.g., JahānPahlavān). Euphony and sonic grace: Pleasant sound – absence of cacophony and presence of phonetic devices – guides their creation. Alliteration and internal rhyme form part of the aesthetic, as in ŠārŠāh, KāmKār, ŠirGir. Figurative and imaginative resonance: Metaphor, ambiguity, and other tropes abound. Consider the delicate name MehrJān, interpretable variously as “the soul made of love, the essence formed of the sun, or the one beloved by all hearts”. The name simultaneously alludes by pun (Ihām) to the festival Mehregān, making the person themself an embodiment of joy. Emotional evocation: Effective names generate feelings – majesty and sanctity for men, attraction and affection for women. Compare Qodratollāh with the more poetic QadarQodrat: the latter carries intensified emotive and semantic force, fulfilling the courtly desire for awe and charisma purely through naming. Continuity with poetic tradition: The poetic name condenses verse into nominative form; poetry becomes embodied within the name itself. A modern example illustrates the principle. The eminent poet Abolqāsem-e Lāhuti (d. 1956), Minister of Culture of Tajikistan, affectionately called his wife Cecilia SelseleBānū (Lady of the Chain). For those unfamiliar with Persian poetic conventions, this might seem obscure, but within that tradition it carries two meanings: “the lady of beautiful tresses” and “the lady who holds the chain binding the lover”, both echoed in a verse of Hāfez. Lāhuti’s creation of SelseleBānū thus exemplifies the survival of the courtly poetic‑naming tradition into modernity. Conclusion This study has examined in detail the principal poetic features – defamiliarization, musicality (phonetic and rhetorical embellishment), imaginative richness, and emotional resonance – manifested within Persian poetic names. It demonstrates that the fundamental principles governing Persian poetry equally operate within this domain of naming. Accordingly, just as poetry has been described as the “resurrection of words”, one may regard the “Zowqesm” as the “resurrection of names.” در سیر تاریخی و ادبی زبان فارسی، ذهنیت شاعرانه در ساختن و برگزیدنِ نام‌های فارسی تأثیری چشمگیر گذاشته‌است، تا آنجا که «سنت نام‌های شعرگونه یا ذوق‌اسم» پدید آمده‌است. این مقاله بخشی از پژوهشی است که به استخراج و تحلیل نام‌های شعرگونهٔ کسان، از منابع تاریخی و متون ادبی فارسی می‌پردازد، شاعرانگیِ نام‌های درباری را در حکومت‌های دوران اسلامی بررسی خواهد کرد، و استدلال خواهد کرد که هرآنچه سخن را به جایگاه شعر می‌رساند، در ذوق‌اسم‌ها نیز هست و می‌توان بسیار از آنها را شعرهایی موجزتر از مصراع دانست. همچنین بررسی می‌شود که سنت ذوق‌اسم پیوستگی ژرف با سنت‌های شعری فارسی دارد؛ تا آنجا که فهمیدن و معنی‌کردن بسیار از آنها تنها با سنت‌های شعری شدنی است. این مقاله بیش از دویست ذوق‌اسم را از میان نام‌های درباری دوران اسلامی معرفی و بررسی خواهد کرد. گفتنی است این نام‌های فارسی در سرزمین‌های گسترده و حکومت‌های پرشمار، در زمانی بیش از هزار سال استمرار داشته‌است. این پژوهش با رویکردی تاریخی ـ ادبی و از راه گردآوری ذوق‌اسم‌ها از منابع کتابخانه‌ای تاریخی دوران اسلامی، به تحلیل زیبایی‌شناسیک این نام‌ها بر پایهٔ مؤلفه‌هایی چون آشنایی‌زدایی، ساختار وزنی، آرایه‌های لفظی و معنوی، پیوند آنها با سنت‌های شعری فارسی و جز آن می‌پردازد. مختصر آنکه مخاطب این پژوهش با یکی از سنت‌های تاریخی/ادبی که در فارسی دری جاری بوده‌است، همچنین با چگونگی ساختار بسیار از نام‌های درباری آشنا خواهد شد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107022_303d540b687c2f1b181fdd1e7e776b6a.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 New Reflections on the Life and Works of Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar Bigdeli and His Family تأملاتی تازه در احوال و آثار حاجی لطف‌علی بیگ آذر بیگدلی و خاندان او 156 172 107270 10.48308/hlit.2026.241701.1434 FA الهام پاینده جزی دانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه اصفهان،اصفهان،ایران 0000-0001-5647-9266 سعید شفیعیون دانشیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه اصفهان،اصفهان،ایران 0000-0001-5647-9266 Journal Article 2025 10 03 1. Introduction Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar Bigdeli (1134-1195 AH/1721-1781 CE) stands as a pivotal figure in the literary history of 18th century Iran. His significance extends beyond his poetic artistry to encompass his role as a literary trendsetter and directional force in the literary transformations of his era, particularly in promoting the "Bazgasht" (Return) movement and critiquing the "Sabk-e Hindi" (Indian Style). Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's critical judgments, such as his explicit criticism of Sa'eb Tabrizi and Kalim Kashani while praising poets like Sa'di and Hafez, reveal his strategic positioning within the literary debates of his time. This article critically re-examines Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar Bigdeli's place in the history of Persian literary criticism through a dual focus on his biographical context and his magnum opus, Atashkadeh. 2. Literature Review Previous scholarship on Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar Bigdeli has primarily focused on his poetic output or provided introductory overviews of his biographical dictionary. Gholamhossein Bigdeli's genealogical research established foundational information about the Bigdeli tribe, while Mir Hashem Mohaddes and Mohsen Zaker al-Hosseini have contributed to textual studies of Atashkadeh. However, a systematic analysis of Atashkadeh as a theoretical document of the Return movement, combined with a reconstruction of Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's biography within its social and political context, remains underdeveloped. This article addresses this gap by critically examining primary sources and correcting certain misconceptions in existing scholarship regarding Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's life and critical positions. 3. Methodology This research employs a library-based documentary methodology, relying primarily on contemporary sources and biographical dictionaries, with Atashkadeh serving as the central text. Two parallel approaches guide the investigation: First, a content analysis and critical examination of Atashkadeh using a text-centered approach and intertextual comparison to extract the author's explicit positions regarding the Indian Style and the standards of classical poets. Second, a biographical reconstruction of Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar Bigdeli's life to clarify the lineage and position of the Bigdeli tribe in Iran's political and cultural history, including Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's bureaucratic career, travels, captivity, and cultural networks such as the "Anjoman-e Moshtaq" literary circle. 4. Discussion The findings demonstrate that while Atashkadeh incorporates material from earlier sources in certain sections, its significance lies in Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's explicit critical judgments, selective inclusion of contemporary evidence, and promotional tone. The work functions both as a theoretical document of the Return movement and as a practical instrument for redefining literary standards and advancing this literary current. Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's strategic evaluations, such as his preference for Saadi's clarity over Sa'eb's complexity, reveal his agenda to redirect Persian poetry toward classical models. Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar Bigdeli's critical methodology in Atashkadeh represents a deliberate intervention in the literary landscape of 18th-century Iran. His explicit condemnation of Sa'eb Tabrizi, whom he describes as having initiated an "undesirable new method" that led to the decline of poetry, illustrates his commitment to re-establishing classical standards. Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar argues that Sa'eb's popularity resulted not from poetic merit but from "his personal perfections" or "the arrangement of stars", revealing his skepticism toward contemporary poetic tastes. Similarly, his assessment of Kalim Kashani attributes the poet's acceptance to "the compassion of Emperor Shah Jahan" rather than intrinsic literary value. The structural organization of Atashkadeh further demonstrates Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's critical agenda. By selectively including contemporary poets who adhered to classical models while marginalizing proponents of the Indian Style, he constructs a literary canon that aligns with Return principles. His biographical entries often include evaluative commentary that explicitly contrasts modern deviations with classical excellence, creating what the article terms a "theoretical document" of the Return movement. Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's personal biography provides crucial context for understanding his critical positions. As a member of the Bigdeli tribe with historical connections to the Safavid court, his family's bureaucratic traditions and tribal affiliations influenced his literary perspectives. His travels, including his captivity following the fall of Isfahan, exposed him to diverse literary circles and regional poetic traditions. His participation in the Anjoman-e Moshtaq, a literary society that included prominent figures like Hatef Esfahani, facilitated intellectual exchanges that shaped his critical criteria. The article emphasizes that Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's critical judgments emerged not in isolation but through these network interactions and social engagements. 5. Conclusion This research demonstrates that Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar Bigdeli's Atashkadeh operates on multiple levels: as a biographical reference work, a manifesto of literary reform, and a document reflecting the social networks of 18th century Iranian literati. The dual methodology employed in this article—combining textual analysis of Atashkadeh with biographical reconstruction—reveals the interconnectedness of literary theory and social context in shaping critical discourse. The article's original contributions include several specific corrections to existing scholarship: First, it rectifies certain genealogical claims about the Bigdeli tribe's origins and historical trajectory. Second, it provides more precise documentation of Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's bureaucratic appointments and literary activities. Third, it offers a systematic analysis of how Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's critical judgments in Atashkadeh function as practical instruments for promoting the Return movement, beyond their theoretical significance. Future research directions suggested by this study include comparative analysis of Atashkadeh with other biographical dictionaries of the period, investigation of the reception history of Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar's critical judgments among later literary historians, and exploration of how tribal affiliations continued to influence literary production in subsequent generations. The methodological approach developed here—integrating critical dictionary analysis with contextual biography—offers a model for studying other literary figures whose work bridges theoretical criticism and practical literary reform. Ultimately, this article argues that understanding literary movements like the Return requires attention to both the explicit theoretical statements found in critical works and the social, political, and biographical contexts that shape those statements. Haji Lotf-Ali Beg Azar Bigdeli emerges not merely as a poet or critic but as a cultural intermediary whose work reflects and seeks to direct the complex literary transformations of his historical moment. لطف‎علی بیگ آذر بیگدلی (1134-1195)، شاعر، تذکره‌نویس و منتقد ادبی قرن دوازدهم هجری، از آن چهره‌هایی‌ است که اهمیتش بیش از آنکه صرفاً در هنرپردازی او باشد، در جریان‌سازی و جهت‌بخشی به تحولات ادبی آن عصر است؛ از این‌رو موضوعی محوری برای پژوهش‌های زندگی‌نامه‌ای به شمار می‌آید. این مقاله به روش کتابخانه‎ای و اسنادی با تکیه بر منابع عصری و تذکره‌ای -به‌ویژه تذکرۀ آتشکده- دو رهیافت موازی را به کار می‌گیرد: نخست تحلیل محتوایی و انتقادی آتشکده (با رویکرد متن‌محور و مقایسۀ بین‌متنی) به‌منظور تبیین مواضع صریح مولف دربارۀ سبک‌هندی و معیارهای قدما؛ دوم بازسازی زندگی‌نامه‌ای آذر برای روشن کردن نسب و موقعیت طایفۀ بیگدلی در تاریخ سیاسی و فرهنگی ایران، سوابق دیوانی، سفرها و اسارت‌ها و شبکه‌های فرهنگی او از جمله انجمن مشتاق. یافته‌ها آشکار می‌سازند که هرچند آتشکده در بخش‌هایی، از منابع پیشین اقتباس کرده‌است، اما به واسطۀ داوری‌های صریح، گزینش شواهد معاصر و لحن تنقیدی و تبلیغی مولف، هم به مثابۀ سند نظری و هم به مثابۀ ابزار عملی در بازتبیین معیارها و پیشبرد مکتب بازگشت عمل کرده است. از سوی دیگر بازخوانی زیست‌نامه‌ای نشان می‌دهد که گرایش‌های انتقادی و گزینشی آذر نه صرفاً محصول ذوق شخصی، بلکه محصول پیوستگی‌های اجتماعی، تعلّقات طایفه‌ای و وابستگی‌های شبکه‌ای او نیز بوده‌است. در خاتمه استدلال می‌شود که برای بازنمایی درست و دقیق‌تر تحولات ادبی آن دوره ضروری است روش‌های تذکره‌خوانی انتقادی و زندگی‌نامه‌نگاری همراه و تلفیق شوند تا هم کارکردهای نظری تذکره‌ها و هم زمینه‌های اجتماعی و سیاسی شکل‌گیری نقد ادبی بازشناسی گردد. از نکات برجستۀ روشنگرانه‎ای که برای اول بار در این مقاله آمده است، می‎توان به تصحیح اقوال منابع متنی و تحقیقات معاصران اشاره کرد که در بخش مقدمه؛ یعنی پیشینۀ تحقیق و نقد منابع آمده است. از دیگر موارد تازه‎یاب این مقاله تدقیقاتی در خصوص جزئیات زندگی شخصی وی و خاندان او از آغاز حضور تاریخی آنان تا نزدیک به زمان ماست و نیز بیان مستند پسند و داوری آذر به عنوان مبلغ جریان‎ساز مکتب بازگشت بر اساس مهم‎ترین اثر وی؛ یعنی تذکرۀ آتشکده است.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107270_e328d95845914cc8e05499c9ea97db95.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 Justice and Power in the Historical Prose of the Ghaznavid Period: A Discourse Analysis of “War” in Tarikh-e Bayhaqi Based on Foucault’s Theory عدالت و قدرت در نثر تاریخی دورۀ غزنوی؛ تحلیل گفتمانیِ «جنگ» در تاریخ بیهقی با تکیه بر آرای فوکو 173 191 107156 10.48308/hlit.2026.241827.1435 FA ابتهاج سلیمی استادیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران 0000-0001-8832-4787 فرشته آزادتبار استادیار بخش زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران 0000-0002-2183-3736 امید روستا استادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، مؤسسه آموزش عالی دارالحکمه قم، ایران 0000-0001-5467-0147 Journal Article 2025 10 03 1. Introduction The historical prose of the Ghaznavid period, whose culmination is evident in the works of great figures such as Abu al-Fazl Bayhaqi, while preserving eloquence and fluency, possesses distinctive structural and stylistic characteristics that set it apart from earlier prose and later literary periods. This prose was generally modeled on official and bureaucratic language and, due to its close association with the royal court and the chancery, tended to use precise vocabulary, orderly sentence structure, and a combination of Persian and Arabic elements. In Ghaznavid historical narratives, alongside the recording of events, special attention is devoted to documenting ceremonies, rituals of power, political and military relations, and the description of personalities, all of which indicate the dual function of prose: both the transmission of information and the discursive representation of the legitimacy of kingship. “Power is neither a commodity, nor a position, nor spoils, nor a scheme and strategy; rather, it is the operation of political technologies throughout the body of society. It is precisely the functioning of these political rituals and ceremonies of power that sustains unequal and unbalanced relations” (Dreyfus & Rabinow, 2018: 312). In Tarikh-e Bayhaqi, Bayhaqi, through realistic, mature, and concise prose, records events in a precise and multilayered manner. He not only narrates major events such as wars and political transformations, but also emphasizes minor incidents, dialogues, and the details of statesmen's behavior, thereby laying the foundation for analyses of power and discourse. In addition to its position as a fundamental source for understanding the political and social history of the Ghaznavid era, this work is a text that, through its meticulous, detail-oriented prose enriched with rhetorical devices presents a distinctive representation of major events, including war. Foucault’s approach to the analysis of power, particularly as articulated in Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, demonstrates that “war in such a text possesses a disciplinary function: an instrument for surveillance, the regulation of social relations, and the control of bodies and behaviors within the framework of monarchy” (Foucault, 1975: 26). From this perspective, the selection of narrative structure and vocabulary, the segmentation of events, and the emphasis on key moments of war in Tarikh-e Bayhaqi not only enhance the literary value of the text, but also play a direct role in reproducing the discourse of monarchy and justice. Such a reading, based on discourse analysis and Foucauldian stylistics, allows us to uncover the hidden layers of the representation of war as a simultaneously formative and reflective ground of power and to show how Bayhaqi succeeded in transforming historiography into a domain for consolidating political and moral order. In Bayhaqi’s narratives, war is depicted not as an isolated event but as a continuous process and a network of power relations, extending from preparation, mobilization of forces, and bureaucratic decision-making to battle and its aftermath. This broad framework creates the conditions for disciplinary actions and social control. Within this perspective, justice also acquires an instrumental and functional role: a concept ritually and symbolically represented in military operations, the trial of prisoners, and the distribution of spoils to strengthen royal legitimacy. Through narrative techniques such as scene segmentation, detailed descriptions of the behavior of commanders and soldiers, and reflections on public reactions, Bayhaqi artistically links the semantic layers of war to the domains of ethics and politics. From the perspective of discourse analysis, this connection is not merely the product of the historian’s personal beliefs, but rather the consequence of structural relations and the need of the royal apparatus for a particular representation of power and justice. 2. Method The research method is based on a qualitative approach and critical discourse analysis. The data are collected from the complete text of Tarikh-e Bayhaqi, with emphasis on sections related to war, from the stages of preparation to the aftermath of battle. The analysis of the text is conducted according to Foucault’s framework to identify mechanisms of power, disciplinary elements, and representations of justice within the narrative structure. This process includes the extraction of semantic units, the examination of scene segmentation, and the analysis of key vocabulary to answer the principal questions concerning the relationship between war and the discourse of power and justice during the Ghaznavid period. 3. Discussion Within the political-military system of the Ghaznavid state, war was not merely a military action or a reaction to external threats, but rather a symbolic and multilayered arena for the representation of power, the reproduction of royal legitimacy, and the organization of social relations. Through its precise, detailed, and narrative prose, Tarikh-e Bayhaqi portrays wars from the stages of preparation and mobilization of forces to the moment of conflict, victory, or defeat, and their political and social consequences, thereby transforming the battlefield into a discursive space in which power is consolidated through language, ritual, and narrative. By focusing on the military organization of the Ghaznavids — including cavalry, infantry, and especially elephants as symbols of royal authority — Bayhaqi reveals the disciplinary logic of the state on the battlefield. In the text, these military elements function beyond their role as instruments of war and serve as political and ceremonial signs that render the Sultan's authority and the royal order visible. Within this framework, war becomes a discursive instrument for social control, the inculcation of loyalty norms, and the consolidation of political authority. An analysis of four major battles in Tarikh-e Bayhaqi — the Battle of Rokhne in Nishapur, the Battle of Sebuktegin and Mahmud against Bu Ali Simjur, the Battle of Talkhab, and the battle against the Turkmens at Aliabad — demonstrates that each of these events constitutes a decisive moment in the reconfiguration of the network of power. In the Battle of Rokhne, the military retreat and the recitation of the khutbah in the name of Bu Ali Simjur signify not only a temporary displacement of power but also an example of the role of language and ritual in the production of political truth. In the battle between Sebuktegin and Mahmud and Bu Ali, the pre-war dialogue and the emphasis on rationality, counsel, and the avoidance of “rebellion” transform war into a spectacle of the monarchy's moral and political legitimacy. In the Battle of Talkhab, Bayhaqi, through detailed descriptions of military formations, command positions, control over vital resources such as water, and the Sultan’s display of composure at the height of the conflict, highlights the connection between military power and royal ritual. Likewise, the battle against the Turkmens at Aliabad, with the Sultan’s direct presence on the battlefield, the shift from elephants to horses, and the prohibition on pursuing the enemy after victory, exemplifies strategic rationality and political discipline whose psychological effects extend beyond the battlefield to society and enemies alike. Overall, Tarikh-e Bayhaqi represents war not merely as a military event, but as a discursive mechanism that, through narrative, language, and ritual, produces and consolidates the “political truth” and legitimacy of the Ghaznavid monarchy. Thus, the connection between the objective event of war and its literary-political construction constitutes one of the fundamental characteristics of Bayhaqi’s historical prose and of his understanding of power in the Ghaznavid era. 4. Conclusion This study demonstrates that war in Tarikh-e Bayhaqi extends beyond the reporting of military events and functions as a discursive arena for the exercise of disciplinary order and the consolidation of royal authority. By combining Foucault’s theory with stylistic analysis, it becomes evident that Bayhaqi, through detailed observation and precise narration, transforms the battlefield into a scene for the display of “disciplined bodies” and the production of moral and political meaning. The findings indicate that Bayhaqi follows a consistent narrative pattern: a process that begins with military preparations and the consolidation of the Sultan’s position, and culminates in the explanation of the political consequences of battle. This structure transforms war from a temporary event into an institutionalized process. The key point of the study is that even defeats are not omitted from the narrative; rather, through discursive reconstruction, they are redefined in a manner that preserves royal legitimacy. In this way, Bayhaqi’s prose itself becomes an active instrument in the production of meaning and the consolidation of the memory of power. Indeed, the effectiveness of the Foucauldian approach in reading Tarikh-e Bayhaqi derives from its connection to the examination of the text's stylistic subtleties and narrative structure. This study not only demonstrates how war becomes an ordinary mechanism of governance but also opens a new horizon for the discourse analysis of Persian historical texts and recognizes historiography as an act that produces power and establishes order. تاریخ بیهقی از برجسته‌ترین متون نثر فارسی است که افزون بر ارزش‌های تاریخی و ادبی، واجد ظرفیت بالای تحلیل گفتمانی در بازنمایی قدرت سیاسی است. در این اثر، روایت جنگ صرفاً گزارش وقایع نظامی نیست، بلکه بخشی از سازوکار معنابخش سلطنت به‌شمار می‌آید که از خلال جزئی‌نگری روایی، آیین‌های درباری، و گفتار فرماندهان، نظم سیاسی و اخلاقی عصر غزنوی را بازتولید می‌کند. بیهقی به‌عنوان مورخی دیوانی و شاهد بسیاری از رویدادها، میدان جنگ را به صحنه‌ای برای نمایش اقتدار، انضباط، و عدالت سلطنتی بدل می‌سازد و از این رهگذر، تاریخ‌نگاری را در خدمت تثبیت مشروعیت قدرت قرار می‌دهد. چارچوب نظری این پژوهش بر آرای میشل فوکو استوار است؛ به‌ویژه مفاهیمی چون قدرت به‌مثابۀ شبکه‌ای از روابط، سازوکارهای انضباطی، گفتمان به‌عنوان تولیدکنندۀ حقیقت، و نقش جنگ در بازتولید مناسکی قدرت. این مفاهیم امکان آن را فراهم می‌آورند که روایت‌های جنگی بیهقی نه به‌عنوان انعکاس بی‌طرف رویدادها، بلکه به‌مثابۀ کنش‌های گفتمانی تحلیل شوند که در آن‌ها حقیقت، اقتدار و عدالت به‌طور هم‌زمان صورت‌بندی می‌شود. روش تحقیق در این مقاله، توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و مبتنی بر تحلیل انتقادی گفتمان است. داده‌های پژوهش از چارچوب روایی چهار نبرد شاخص در تاریخ بیهقی استخراج شده و با تمرکز بر زبان، ساختار روایت، نمادهای قدرت و نحوۀ بازنمایی پیروزی و شکست بررسی گردیده است. هدف اصلی پژوهش، تبیین چگونگی کارکرد روایت جنگ در شکل‌دهی به گفتمان سلطنت و عدالت سیاسی در نثر بیهقی است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که بیهقی از طریق سامان‌دهی روایی جنگ، حتی در موقعیت‌های شکست یا بحران، گفتمان قدرت را حفظ و بازآرایی می‌کند و تاریخ را به عرصه‌ای فعال برای تولید و تثبیت مشروعیت سیاسی بدل می‌سازد. این امر تاریخ بیهقی را از تاریخ‌نگاری صرفاً واقعه‌نگارانه متمایز کرده و آن را متنی کلیدی در مطالعۀ پیوند قدرت، گفتمان و تاریخ‌نگاری فارسی نشان می‌دهد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107156_f318e4c186ab19e3d3d3591a2e075d03.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 An Examination and Analysis of the Reflection of Socialist Concepts in the Journalistic Poetry of Afghanistan (A Case Study of Zhwandoon Magazine) بررسی و تحلیل بازتاب مفاهیم سوسیالیستی در شعر مطبوعاتی افغانستان (مطالعۀ موردی مجلۀ ژوندون) 192 210 107002 10.48308/hlit.2026.242428.1444 FA محمدصادق هدایت دانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران 0009-0007-2512-1940 سیدعلی قاسم‌زاده استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران 0000-0003-4433-9957 مهسا رون دانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی (ره)، قزوین، ایران 0000-0001-7775-8934 Journal Article 2025 11 11 Introduction Socialist realism, as one of the influential literary movements of the twentieth century, profoundly impacted contemporary Afghan literature. This school, which viewed art as serving social transformation and reflecting class realities, significantly shaped the journalistic poetry of the country during a specific period. The present study focuses on Zhwandoon magazine—one of the most important political, cultural, and literary publications in Afghanistan in the latter half of the twentieth century—to systematically examine the reflection of socialist concepts in the poems published within it. The primary objective is to elucidate how socialist ideology and its related themes, such as class struggle, social justice, peace, freedom, and the role of laborers, are represented in the poetry of this era. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data has been collected through a content study of poems by prominent poets of this movement in Zhwandoon magazine. Findings indicate that the poetry published in this magazine, in addition to its literary value, functioned as an ideological medium, playing a role in guiding public opinion and reproducing the dominant discourse of its time. Literature Review Direct research on the reflection of socialism in the journalistic poetry of Afghanistan is very limited. Within the broader field of contemporary Afghan literature, studies such as that by Mohammad Danishgar and colleagues have focused on the intertextual analysis of mythic-epic themes in socialist realism poetry, showing that this movement represents one of the most prolific periods of Persian poetry in Afghanistan. However, examining Zhwandoon magazine as the primary platform for publishing these poems and analyzing the socialist concepts within it constitutes a significant research gap that this study aims to fill. Methodology This research, adopting a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach, examines the reflection of socialist concepts in poems published in Zhwandoon magazine. The research data consists of poems by well-known poets such as Asadullah Habib, Dastgir Panjshiri, Sulaiman Layeq, Rahim Elham, Nasrullah Raha, Sharbat Baqeri, Alishah Nashad, Gharib Nawaz, Nasim Kamju, Heshmat Rabi, Nazeer Ahmad Zafar, and Zakiyah Rastagar, which were published during the magazine's active period (particularly from the 1950s to the 1980s AD). By analyzing the content of these poems, key socialist concepts and themes have been extracted and categorized. Discussion and Analysis Socialist realism, as a literary school, emerged after the Russian October Revolution of 1917, based on Marxist-Leninist philosophy. This school viewed literature not merely as a reflection of reality but as a tool for the conscious critique, interpretation, and change of society towards the realization of socialist ideals. Its characteristics included committed realism, highlighting the positive hero from the working class, historical optimism towards the ultimate victory of justice, and the use of simple, comprehensible language for the masses. Zhwandoon magazine, established in 1949 AD by order of King Mohammad Zahir Shah, was a mirror of Afghanistan's political and social transformations throughout its life. During the Decade of Democracy (the 1960s), a relatively open political climate led to a flourishing press and the emergence of various intellectual discourses, including leftist thought. Zhwandoon became an important platform for intellectuals and poets concerned with justice and social critique. With the coup of 1973 and especially the Marxist coup of 1978 and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in 1979, the political landscape changed drastically, and journalistic poetry took on a stronger ideological tone. The pages of Zhwandoon became filled with poems that directly or indirectly promoted socialist ideals, praised the Soviet Union, encouraged class struggle, and criticized previous systems. The poems of this period often had a slogan-like, propagandistic quality and were presented in new poetic forms such as Nimaic and free verse. Conclusion The analysis of poems from Zhwandoon magazine shows that socialist concepts were reflected in various ways in the journalistic poetry of Afghanistan: Praise of Labor and the Working Class: Workers and peasants were celebrated as the main heroes of society and the pillars of progress. Their hardships and struggles were depicted, and emphasis was placed on their lost rights. Struggle Against Inequality and Class Oppression: The poetry of this period strongly criticized class disparity, exploitation, and social injustices, insisting on the necessity of revolution to create a just society. Love for the Homeland and Resistance: Alongside the international socialist discourse, love for Afghanistan and calls for resistance against occupiers and internal enemies, using national and mythical symbols, formed a strong theme. Call for Unity and Solidarity: Poets called upon the people, especially the laborers, to unite, avoid division, and rally around common ideals to overcome oppression. Role of Youth and Women: Youth, as the engine of revolution, and women, as symbols of purity, awareness, and struggle, held prominent positions in these poems. Emphasis was placed on their active participation in social and political spheres. Ideals of Freedom, Peace, and Justice: Concepts such as freedom (“hurriyat”), world peace, friendship among nations, and social justice were fundamental values praised in these poems. Symbolism: The use of symbols like the "red flag", "hammer and sickle", "mountain" (symbolizing steadfastness), "dawn" (symbolizing a bright future), and "storm" (symbolizing revolution) contributed to the richness of imagery and the transmission of the ideological message. In summary, socialist journalistic poetry in Zhwandoon magazine was a complex phenomenon formed at the intersection of art, politics, and ideology. On one hand, these poems expressed the ideals, pains, and demands of a segment of Afghan society during the turbulent period of the Cold War and internal transformations. On the other hand, they served as a tool for promoting and consolidating the dominant political discourse after the 1978 coup. Studying these poems not only deepens our understanding of the history of contemporary Afghan literature but also opens a window towards understanding the intellectual, social, and political transformations of this country in the mid-twentieth century. Zhwandoon magazine, as a rich archive, has preserved a literary-historical heritage whose analysis is essential for researchers in the fields of literature, history, and social sciences. رئالیسم سوسیالیستی از جریان‌های تأثیرگذار و معنا‌دار در ادبیات معاصر افغانستان است که با تکیه بر پیوند میان هنر، ایدئولوژی و واقعیت‌های اجتماعی، نقش مهمی در شکل‌دهی به شعر مطبوعاتی این کشور ایفا کرده است. بنابراین، پژوهش حاضر با هدف تبیین و تحلیل درونمایه‌های سوسیالیستی در اشعار منتشرشده در مجلۀ «ژوندون» انجام شده و می‌کوشد بازتاب مفاهیم ایدئولوژیک و اجتماعی این جریان را در متون شعری بررسی کند. روش تحقیق توصیفی ـ تحلیلی است و داده‌ها بر اساس تحلیل محتوای اشعار شاعران شاخص این حوزه گردآوری شده‌اند. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که در شعر مطبوعاتی رئالیسم سوسیالیستی افغانستان، مفاهیمی چون ستایش کار و کارگر، بازنمایی مبارزۀ ایدئولوژیک، نقد نابرابری‌های طبقاتی، توجه به فقر و محرومیت، تمجید آزادی، صلح و هم‌پذیری اجتماعی، و نیز تصویرپردازی از حقوق زنان، حضوری برجسته و معنادار دارند. این درونمایه‌ها در آثار شاعرانی چون اسدالله حبیب، دستگیر پنجشیری، سلیمان لایق، رحیم الهام، نصرالله رها، شربت باقری، علی‌شاه ناشاد، غریب نواز، نسیم کامجو، حشمت ربی، نذیراحمد ظفر و ذکیه رستگار به‌گونه‌ای نظام‌مند بازتاب یافته‌اند. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که شعر رئالیسم سوسیالیستی در مجلۀ ژوندون نه‌تنها واجد کارکردهای زیبایی‌شناختی است که به‌مثابۀ رسانه‌ای گفتمانی و ایدئولوژیک، نقشی فعال در تولید معنا، جهت‌دهی آگاهی جمعی و بازتولید ارزش‌ها و هنجارهای مسلط اجتماعی ـ سیاسی دورۀ انتشار این مجله ایفا کرده و در سامان‌دهی ذهنیت اجتماعی مخاطبان نقشی تعیین‌کننده داشته است.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107002_d9c9a056f6052ffbfa3526be3478d45e.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 The Developmental Role of Persian Poetry in the Evolution of Kurdish Classical Poetry نقش تکوینی شعر فارسی در تکامل شعر کلاسیک کُردی 211 228 107271 10.48308/hlit.2026.242707.1449 FA فرهاد محمدی دانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات کُردی و عضو هیأت علمی پژوهشکدۀ کردستان‌شناسی، دانشگاه کردستان، سنندج، ایران 0000-0003-4186-529X Journal Article 2025 11 30 1. Introduction Persian and Kurdish literatures are among the literatures in the world that have had a deep and extensive connection between them over a long period of time. From the very first surviving works, which can be considered as the beginning of the history of Kurdish literature in written and codified form, there are many in-textual signs in the poetry of Kurdish poets that prove such a broad and constructive connection with Persian poetry in all poetic layers and aspects. The purpose of the present study is to examine these two points: 1- The thematic sources and thematic patterns in mystical literature as well as the techniques of imagery and expression and conceptual structures in Kurdish Romantic poetry go back to Persian poetry. 2- How Kurdish poets display their creativity in this influence is explained. 2. Literature Review A comprehensive study that focuses on the comparative study of classical Persian and Kurdish poetry has not been conducted so far. The work done was mainly case-based and in the form of reading sample texts from Persian and Kurdish literature. In most of these studies, the influence of a Persian poet’s poetry on the poetry of a Kurdish poet has only been discussed descriptively and the process of influence has not been analyzed and explained. In an article that discusses the influence of Hafez’s poetry on the poetry of Kurdish poets, Shams (2013) aimed to present a report on the reflection of Hafez’s thought and poetry in Kurdish poetry and emphasized the extent to which Kurdish poets were in tune with Hafez’s poetry. Parsa (2009) has also examined the influence of Hafez’s poetry in Kurdish poetry in more detail, focusing on meter, rhyme, and the assurance of poetic verses. Throughout the course of studies related to the field of comparison between Persian and Kurdish poetry, there has been a specific focus that is often based on reporting similarities to prove the influence of one on the other, and the issue of the level of influence and its functional aspects has not been explained much. 3. Methodology In the French school, although the issue of influence has been raised as one of the necessary conditions for conducting a comparative study, what has been considered in the concept of influence is mostly limited to examining external relations and external tools and influences, and there has been little focus on its capacities and dynamic aspects. It is necessary to change the perspective on influence from passivity, inauthenticity, imitativeness, etc. to other angles such as creativity, activity, and originality; because being influenced does not negate originality and creativity. A large part of the importance of the issue of influence, which has been neglected in the French school, is the lack of attention to its process, while the category of influence acts like a dynamic process system and has certain functional aspects. Since the issue of influence is a complex systematic process, it is related to the categories of modeling, re-creation, literary knowledge and competence, creativity, and originality. If influence is studied from such a different perspective, it can be seen that its role is formative, meaning that it provides a context for learning methods, techniques, and expressive and semantic structures, using the materials and patterns in the source literature to create a different and new work in the target literature. Accordingly, it should be said that influence involves two important characteristics as functional aspects: acquiring knowledge and creating competence in the subject area in question. It is because of these aspects that influence has cognitive and epistemological value. 4. Discussion The expressive techniques, artistic imagery, terms, and conceptualizations found in some of the poetic themes and literary genres of Kurdish classical poetry are such that the existence of a rich background has undoubtedly caused them to appear at such a level. Among all the possibilities that may be proposed as a background, considering the solid and firm In-textual signs and extra-textual documents, it can be clearly and decisively acknowledged that this background is Persian classical poetry. Persian classical poetry has played an important role as a macro-structural factor in the development of Kurdish classical poetry; because the origin of the themes, motifs, images, and terms of lyrical and mystical poetry of Kurdish poetry goes back to Persian poetry, and for Kurdish poets it has played the role of a background of materials and information in creating literary knowledge and artistic reserve, and consequently the forming of literary competence. 4.1. The Relationship between Persian and Kurdish Mystical Poetry The creativity of Kurdish poets in mystical poetry has been limited to conceptualization with common terms, concepts, and motifs. Although Kurdish poets did not create a fundamental change in mysticism in terms of thought and ideas, an innovative movement can be observed in their poetic language in terms of expression and methods of embodying meaning. Simplifying complex and difficult mystical concepts for easy understanding, which is done using objective and tangible methods of expression and imagery, is a manifestation of creativity and is considered one of the creative aspects of Kurdish poets. Simplification for understanding and embodying meaning is sometimes done by utilizing native phenomena existing in the culture and geography of that society, which can be called semantic localization. 4.2. The Developmental Role of Persian Poetry in Kurdish Love Poetry The interpretation and explanation of the similarities of expression and imagery in the love poetry of these two literatures is that the emotional and sentimental experiences and perception of different states of love and affection are related to the poets themselves and their real experience, but the methods of their embodiment and linguistic coding have been done by utilizing the signs found in Persian poetry as tools of expression and imagery. In fact, the poetic space of Persian love poetry has entered Kurdish poetry in such a way that Kurdish poets have encoded their emotional and sentimental experiences with what they have heard from Persian poetry and have used the imagery and expressive techniques in Persian poetry to embody their emotional perceptions and loving awareness. Although the elements and terms present in this theme are the same as those found in Persian love poetry in abundance, the way in which the elements are combined and used is different, which has led to a new recreation of that theme. 5. Conclusion The process of producing Kurdish classical poetry has been carried out in a dialectical relationship with Persian poetry, as a necessary background. Kurdish poets have used the signs in Persian poetry to encode data and conceptualize their perceptions. Their imaginative system and poetic and artistic language, as it was formed as a result of extensive interaction with Persian poetry, have acted in such a way that in order to embody perceptions and portray their imaginations and intellectual reflections, they have used what they have read and heard, which include words and terms, poetic images and expressive methods, and whose origin was Persian poetry, as a code. Because an important aspect of creativity is related to how materials and elements from the other literature are used to create poetry, different and original combinations with materials and elements taken from Persian poetry and their reproduction in their own linguistic system are considered the most important aspect of their creativity. امروزه به سبب انتقاد از اصول مکتب فرانسه، توجّه کمتری به ظرفیت‌های مهم مقولۀ «تأثیر» در مطالعات تطبیقی ادبی می‌شود؛ درحالی‌که برخلاف چنین تصوّری، تأثیر یک نظام فرایندی دینامیکی است که از مهم‌ترین وجوه کارکردی آن، فراهم‌کردن بستر لازم در کسب دانش و ایجاد توانش ادبی برای ادبیات مقصد است. دانش و توانش ادبی شامل تمام جنبه‌های مربوط به ماهیت یک گونۀ ادبی همچون شگردهای تصویرگری و بیانی، ساختارهای معناسازی و الگوهای به‌کارگیری تکنیک‌ها و ابزارهای مضمون‌آفرینی می‌شود. مواردی از ادبیات ملّت‌ها را در برهه‌هایی از تاریخ می‌توان یافت که عامل و خاستگاه اصلی در تکوین و تکامل گونه‌هایی از ادبیات آنها به همین مقولۀ تأثیر برمی‌گردد. شعر کلاسیک کُردی نیز چنین وضعیتی دارد: در فرایند تکوین و تکامل این نوع شعر، شعر فارسی نقش تأثیرگذاری به‌عنوان پیشینه و ذخیرۀ ادبی آن ایفا کرده است. هدف از جُستار حاضر نیز بررسی این موضوع است که چگونگی فرایند تأثیر شعر فارسی بر شعر کلاسیک کُردی در دو گونۀ ادبی شعر عرفانی و عاشقانه تبیین شود تا از یک سو هم به وجوه کارکردی تأثیر در تکوین و تکامل ادبی ملّت‌ها پی برد و از سوی دیگر نیز نحوۀ بهره‌گیری شاعران کُرد از شعر فارسی تشریح شود. دستاورد پژوهش بر این مسئله دلالت دارد که تأثیر نه‌تنها منافاتی با خلاقیت، اصالت، استقلال و پویایی ادبیات مقصد ندارد، بلکه نقش تکوینی را در تحقّق چنین مفاهیمی ایفا می‌کند. شعر فارسی برای شاعران کُرد در نقش بافت و ذخیرۀ ادبی عمل کرده است تا دانش مربوط به زبان خاص دو گونۀ ادبی شعر عرفانی و عاشقانه را کسب کنند و توانش ادبی برای آفرینش را به دست آورند.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_107271_0a52b1087d2d40e0a658c1fa8f7f8fba.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 19 1 2026 07 23 Linguistic and Philosophical Analysis of the Functions of the Spatio-temporal Continuum in Parvin Etesami’s Poetry; from Objective Perception to Abstract Perception تحلیل زبان‌شناختی و فلسفیِ کارکردهای پیوستار زمانی ـ مکانی در شعر پروین اعتصامی؛ از دریافت عینی تا ادراک انتزاعی 229 252 106584 10.48308/hlit.2025.239760.1388 FA علی عباسی استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فرانسه و لاتین، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران 0000-0003-4672-1930 سارا شریفی دانشجوی دکتری ادبیات فرانسه، گروه زبان و ادبیات فرانسه و لاتین، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران 0009-0005-0590-5858 آندیا عبائی استادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فرانسه، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران 0009-0005-1299-1571 Journal Article 2025 05 02 Introduction A spatial marker can contain the element of time within itself, whether tangible or intangible. To understand the dimension of time in a temporal space, the simplest method is to refer to the temporal indicator, which can be perceived in the form of various temporal adverbials, inflected verb tense, or phrases linked to the noun phrase by the syntactic arrangement of the sentence. Sometimes, depending on the personal experience of the reader of the text, the perception of time takes an imaginary or empirical form. In some of Parvin Etesami's poems, the connection between time and space becomes the basis for understanding the poet's intention. How can we understand the order of the spatio-temporal continuum in these poems, and what meaning can be explained through the nature of this temporal perception? In this regard, to analyze abstract time in various modes of temporal space, using the ideas of Henri Bergson, a 20th-century French philosopher, one can achieve a philosophical reading of the temporal system. To understand the relationship between time and places evoked in the poem “The Enchantment of the World” by Parvin Etesami, it will be possible to explain the relationship between time and narrative space in a temporal-spatial continuum based on the ideas of Mikhail Bakhtin, a Russian linguist and philosopher. Literature Review In addition to numerous readings of Parvin Etesami's poetry based on literary and rhetorical theories, her poetry has been analyzed from different perspectives, such as psychology, sociology, politics, religion and ethics. However, this research attempts to answer the question of how spatio-temporal elements create meaning and manifest themselves through the philosophical thought of Parvin's poetry. Methodology 3-1. The problem of the perception of “duration” in Henri Bergson According to Henri Bergson, when we speak of a specific point in the chronology, this specific moment is closely linked to “space” and therefore time finds its identity in space: For it is in space that the changes that occur for a point are manifested and not in time in the pure sense of the term. (Bergson, 1975: 15) 3-2. Double perception of time: decomposable and indecomposable The concept of “duration” has a dual nature; one qualitative and the other quantitative.(Bergson, 1975: 16) 3-3. The Place of “Time” in Mikhail Bakhtin's Analysis of the Structure of Literature For Bakhtin, the two elements of time and space coexist. “Time means the fourth dimension of space ». (Bakhtin, 2011: 137) Bakhtin identifies a type of weather called “adventure weather”. The characteristics of this type of weather are as follows: The adventurous time extends between the starting point of the plot and the ending point of the plot. (Bakhtin, 2011: 142) This time “lacks biological or evolutionary continuity”. (Bakhtin, 2011: 143) Adventurous time is an “empty time”. (Bakhtin, 2011:145) Discussion 4-1. Time-space continuum in the poem “The Enchantment of the World” In verse 48, with the perception of a thousand-year temporal continuum, the continuity of objective time is embedded within the abstract temporal continuum: In this verse, there is an incomplete causal link, because of the existence of the incomplete cause: “a thousand years of burning firewood” led to the failure to achieve the intended effect, which was: “a pleasant smell”. The expression of causality in any complete or incomplete form leads to the perception of temporal continuity, as a bridge that connects past time to the present or future. Also, this millennial period, in Bakhtin’s view, refers to a time of adventure, because the realization or non-realization of the act of burning wood has no connection with the realization of the main action, and this millennial continuum “lacks simple biological continuity or evolutionary continuity” (Bakhtin, 2011: 143). Conclusion The perception of time and space is not separate and each indicates the existence of the other. Also, temporal elements are arranged in a stable order in the spatio-temporal continuum: these elements can be perceived either by direct referents or by indirect and implicit referential signs. However, this order does not always provide an objective perception of the extent of the “duration” of elapsed time. Because the question of temporal density is raised by the qualitative nature of time. Abstract time is perceived from one person to another with a unique duration and tension, so the qualitative characteristic of this type of time causes abstract time to lose the characteristic of disaggregation or separability that is the indicator of objective time. This qualitative characteristic of abstract time is defined and interpreted by Bakhtin in the form of adventurous time. In studying the poem “The Enchantment of the World” by Parvin Etesami, we found that the perception of continuity and order between the time element and the space element is possible through the presence of at least one of the temporal or spatial signs, even in the absence of a temporal signifier, this spatial signifier provides the connection between the actualized spatial element and the potential temporal signifier and vice versa. عناصری در متن وجود دارند که در شکل‌گیریِ تخیلِ خلاقِ خواننده سهیم هستند. در این میان، نشان‌دهندگان زمان و مکان علاوه بر کارکردِ اولیۀ خود یعنی آگاه‌سازیِ مخاطب از زمان و مکانِ مرتبط با کنش، کارکردی غیرمستقیم نیز در اندیشۀ مخاطب بر عهده دارند، زیرا خوانندۀ متن را وارد پیوستار زمانی – مکانیِ متن می‌کنند؛ پیوستاری که می‌تواند به صورت عینی یا انتزاعی نزد خوانندۀ اثر جاری باشد. در قصیده‌های پروین اعتصامی با نمونه‌هایی از تلفیق پیوستار زمانی – مکانیِ عینی و پیوستارِ زمانی – مکانیِ ذهنی یا انتزاعی مواجه می‌شویم، چگونه می‌توان نظم میان عناصر نشان‌دهندۀ زمان و مکان را تبیین نمود؟ هدف از این پژوهش دریافت چگونگیِ شکل‌گیریِ پیوستارهای زمانی– مکانیِ عینی و انتزاعی در شعر پروین اعتصامی است تا از این رهگذر به ادراک اندیشۀ درونیِ واژگان نائل شویم. برای نیل به این منظور، آراء و اندیشه‌های فلسفی هانری برگسون می‌تواند زمینۀ درک ابعاد عینی و انتزاعیِ مفهوم زمان و چگونگیِ امکان سنجش «مدّت» را مهیا سازد و در تحلیل ساز و کار پیوستار زمانی – مکانی، مطالعات میخائیل باختین نیز راهنمای این کاوش است. بدین ترتیب، مطالعاتِ فلسفیِ این دو اندیشمند در باب ماهیّت زمان در قصیدۀ «افسون دنیا» از دیوان پروین اعتصامی مورد تبیین قرار می‌گیرد. در نتیجه عناصر زمانی و مکانی همواره با یکدیگر ادراک می‌شوند و حتی در غیاب یکی از این دو عنصر، به‌واسطۀ ویژگیِ کیفیِ پیوستگیِ زمانی، امکان دریافتِ انتزاعیِ عنصر غایب توسط عنصر حاضر نزد خوانندۀ اثر همچنان وجود دارد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106584_43b57d0c2c17a61c7abd622c2fcb3e0b.pdf