دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 The Importance of some Ancient Jungs, Safinas, and Collections in Editing ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī’s Divan اهمیت برخی از جُنگ‌ها، سفینه‌ها و مجموعه‌های کهن در تصحیح دیوان عطّار نیشابوری 5 24 106581 10.48308/hlit.2025.240369.1404 FA علی رحیمی واریانی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 06 15 Introduction Farid al-Din Abu Hamed Mohammad ibn Ebrahim, known as ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī, is one of the most prominent poets in the field of Persian mystical poetry. The personality, life, and works of ʿAṭṭār are among the most ambiguous issues in the history of Persian literature. This ambiguity, alongside his widespread fame, has caused the creation of many legends about him and the attribution of numerous incoherent and weak works and poems to ʿAṭṭār. The attribution of other authors’ works and poems to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī and the fabrication of legends about him and his works gradually gained more speed and scope from the Timurid era and the early ninth century AH; therefore, sources prior to this period have double importance in studies related to this poet of the spiritual path (see: Bašarī, 1397/2018: 109). For the critical edition of the divan of poets such as ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī, in addition to the manuscript copies of the divan, the use of supplementary sources such as tazkeras, dictionaries, and old poetic anthologies solves many difficulties for the editors. Among these, old jungs and safinas can be particularly helpful and significant. The question raised here is: what is the importance of these sources, and in what respects can they assist in the critical editing of the poems of ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī? The claim of the present research is that, until now, in the study of ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī and the critical editing of his works - especially the Divan - old jungs and safinas have not been employed as they deserve; therefore, this study seeks to demonstrate, through a careful examination of these sources, the various aspects of their importance. Literature Review So far, many editions of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī have been published; among them, three editions are of greater scholarly credibility: the first reliable edition of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār was the critical edition by Saʿid Nafisi, whose first edition was published in 1319/1940 and the third edition, with a new revision and the addition of several sources, appeared in 1339/1960. The next reliable edition was prepared by Taqi Tafażżoli, whose first edition was published in 1341/1962. The most recent reliable edition of the Divan is that of Mahdi Madayeni and Mehran Afshari, supervised by Alireza Emami, published in 1392/2013. In none of these editions was sufficient attention paid to old jungs and safinas. For example, in the most recent reliable edition of the Divan, the editors, in the introduction of the book, mentioned only two collections and old safinas: manuscript no. 2051 of the AyaSofya Library, dated 730 AH, and the Safina-ye Shams-e Haji, manuscript no. 1026 of the Nafezpasha Library, dated 741 AH (ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī, 1392/2013: 16). However, the avoidance of the editors of the most recent edition of the Divan from using later manuscripts resulted in a limitation of their sources in editing, while old safinas could have been extremely useful in their work. Research Methodology In this article, the poems of ʿAṭṭār in seven old jungs and safinas have been studied in four areas, and the recordings of the poems in these sources have been compared with the reliable editions of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār. The main focus of the present study is the most recent reliable edition of the Divan, i.e. the edition of Madayeni and Afshari, while in some cases reference has also been made to the editions of Nafisi and Tafażżoli. Discussion As mentioned, in the present research the poems of ʿAṭṭār in old safinas are examined in four parts: the first part deals with poems that in the existing editions of the Divan have been critically edited using limited sources, showing how the recordings of these poems in the old safinas can help the editors. In this section, verses from an old safina are also cited and analyzed, which probably belong to the opening of the Sogandnama the initial folios of which are missing in manuscript no. 306 of Sena, and which Taqi Tafażżoli also quoted in his edition of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār without the opening (ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī, 1368/1989: 721–733). The second part discusses noteworthy recordings of some verses in safinas and old collections (especially the Halet Efendi collection), showing that some of these recordings, although unique, can guide the editor to the authentic text of ʿAṭṭār’s speech. Some other recordings also confirm and support the recordings of certain manuscripts of the Divan. The third part examines the indication of the words’ pronunciation in manuscripts and, by providing evidence from the Halet Efendi collection, shows how they can help the editor in reading and critically editing the text. The fourth part discusses newly found poems attributed to ʿAṭṭār in old safinas and the proper way to deal with these poems. It is shown here that the attribution of some poems in jungs and safinas to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī is probably the result of a scribe’s slip of the pen in writing the author’s name. It is also discussed that some of the poems attributed to ʿAṭṭār in jungs and safinas are so alien to the language and thought of this poet that it is difficult to accept their attribution to him; therefore, caution must be exercised in attributing such poems to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī. Nevertheless, examples are presented from an old jung that, due to their closeness to ʿAṭṭār’s poetic style, the antiquity of the source, and the absence of competing claimants, can be considered as newly found poems of ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī. Conclusion As demonstrated in the text of the article, a number of poems attributed to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī are found in a few old manuscripts of this poet’s Divan, and their recordings in old poetic jungs and safinas are very useful and valuable for the critical editing of these poems. Moreover, old jungs and safinas sometimes preserve unique and noteworthy recordings, which indicate the authenticity of their sources and can guide the editor to the authentic form of ʿAṭṭār’s speech. The indication of the words’ pronunciation in the texts of some safinas can also serve as a guide for the editor in how to read and critically edit ʿAṭṭār’s poems. Even if these recordings of the short vowels result from the scribes’ personal preferences in reading the text, they still constitute an old sample of this kind and should be incorporated into the text or reported in the footnotes. In old jungs and safinas, sometimes poems are attributed to ʿAṭṭār Neyšābūrī that have no trace in the manuscripts of this poet’s Divan. Regarding these poems, with caution, those that have no serious claimant and are close to ʿAṭṭār’s poetic style can be considered as newly found works of this poet, and they may be reported in the appendices of the critical editions of the Divan of ʿAṭṭār. افسانه‌پردازی دربارۀ عطّار نیشابوری و انتساب آثار و اشعار سست و ناهمگون به این شاعر و عارف برجسته، از حدود قرن نهم هجری شتاب و وسعت بیشتری گرفته است. از همین رو در مطالعات مربوط به عطّار منابع پیش از این تاریخ از اهمیتی دوچندان برخوردار هستند. جُنگ‌ها و سفینه‌های کهن یکی از این منابع هستند که می‌توانند در تصحیح آثار عطّار نیشابوری و بررسی انتساب اشعار به او بسیار راهگشا باشند. در پژوهش حاضر اشعار عطّار در سفینه‌های کهن در چهار بخش بررسی شده است: در بخش نخست به اشعاری پرداخته شده که در چاپ‌های موجود دیوان با بهره‌گیری از منابعی محدود تصحیح شده، و نشان داده شده است که ضبط این اشعار در سفینه‌های کهن تا چه حد می‌تواند برای مصحّحان کمک‌کننده باشد. در بخش دوم ضبط‌های درخور توجه برخی ابیات در سفینه‌های کهن بررسی شده و نشان داده شده است که برخی از این ضبط‌ها گرچه منحصربه‌فرد هستند، می‌توانند مصحّح را به صورت اصیل سخن عطّار رهنمون باشند. برخی دیگر از این ضبط‌ها نیز مؤیّد و پشتیبان ضبط نسخه‌هایی از دیوان هستند. در بخش سوم به حرکت‌گذاری کلمات در برخی سفینه‌ها پرداخته شده و با ارائۀ شواهدی نشان داده شده است که این حرکت‌گذاری‌ها چگونه می‌تواند مصحّح را در خوانش و تصحیح متن یاری کند. در بخش چهارم نیز دربارۀ اشعار نویافتۀ منسوب به عطّار در سفینه‌های کهن و چگونگی برخورد صحیح با این اشعار، بحث شده است.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106581_2792db3c421ffea10e15da5896dcb98f.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 “The War of Narratives” for Possessing Sanai: Anatomy of Two Classical and Modern Paradigms «جنگِ روایت‌ها» برایِ تصاحبِ سنایی؛ کالبدشکافیِ دو پارادایمِ کلاسیک و مدرن 25 42 106732 10.48308/hlit.2025.242548.1447 FA معین کاظمی فر استادیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه شیراز، شیراز، ایران Journal Article 2025 11 18 Introduction The "Sanai Problem"—the fundamental incongruity between Hakim Sanai Ghaznavi’s courtly panegyrics, bawdy satire, and transcendental asceticism—remains a persistent challenge in Persian literary history. This issue is often reduced to a biographical enigma: how could one individual simultaneously be a "sycophant" court poet and the "father of mystical poetry"? The gap between the "Historical Sanai" and the "Legendary Sanai" has long baffled scholars. This study shifts the research focus from "Who was Sanai?" to "How did interpretive traditions construct the Sanai(s) they required?" By conducting a "historical discourse analysis", this article argues that two dominant streams of Sanai studies—the classical hagiographical tradition and modern text-centered research—share a common epistemological presupposition despite methodological differences: the "Holistic Fallacy," or the insistence on discovering an organic unity within an inherently heterogeneous archive. Literature Review Scholarship on Sanai is categorized into two competing paradigms: The Classical Interpretive Paradigm (6th–10th centuries) functioned as a "competition of memories". Early sources like Kalila wa Demna (1964) and Lubab al-Albab (1982) presented a "Poet-Sage", while early mystical texts like Attar's Tadhkirat al-Awliya are notably silent regarding him. By the 7th century, Rumi (1925) canonized Sanai as a spiritual forefather. Subsequently, a struggle emerged between "Charismatic" Sufism, represented by Khair al-Majalis (1959), and "Institutional" Sufism, represented by Jami (1957) and Dawlatshah (2003). This culminated in the 10th century "Malamati" counter-narrative of Majalis al-Ushaq (1997). The Modern Interpretive Paradigm sought to "de-mythologize" these accounts. Scholars like Zarrinkub (2000) and De Bruijn (1983) challenged hagiographical validity through structural analysis, while Shafiei Kadkani (2011) and Zarqani (2023) offered psychological and strategic syntheses to explain textual contradictions. This article critiques these modern approaches for reproducing the classical obsession with unity. Methodology This study employs a critical historiographical approach, drawing on concepts from textual theory. The theoretical framework critiques the "Holistic Fallacy", defined as the unconscious projection of the modern concept of the "Work" (a coherent whole reflecting a single author) onto the pre-modern reality of "text production". Drawing on the distinction between "Manuscript Culture" and "Print Culture" (Ong, 1982), the methodology highlights how the modern "print" mindset imposes a sense of completion that did not exist in the fluid tradition of manuscript copying. Furthermore, utilizing the distinction between "Author" and "Artisan" (Foucault, 1969; Barthes, 1977), Sanai is analyzed not as a unified subject, but as a craftsman producing functional texts for specific social situations. Discussion The analysis dissects the two competing paradigms. 4.1. The Classical Paradigm: The Competition of Memories The study identifies distinct layers of historical construction aimed at appropriating Sanai’s symbolic capital: Layer Zero (6th Century): Contemporary sources present a non-hagiographical image. Nasrallah Munshi (1964) cites Sanai 52 times as a "Poet-Sage" (Hakim) for practical wisdom, whereas Attar's Tadhkirat al-Awliya omits him, suggesting his status as a "Sufi" was not yet established among traditional mystics. The Mowlavi Intervention (7th Century): The Rumi circle transformed Sanai from a sage into a spiritual forefather. Rumi (1925) declared him the "eyes" of the Order of Love, effectively canonizing him. Charismatic vs. Institutional Struggle (8th-9th Centuries): Khair al-Majalis (1959) presented a "Charismatic" Sanai attaining sainthood (wilayat) through the anti-Sharia act of consuming a leper’s fluids, emphasizing jadhba. Conversely, Jami (1957) and Dawlatshah (2003) represented "Institutional Sufism," sanitizing this image by establishing the "repentance narrative" (the 'Lay-khwar' encounter) and fabricating a lineage to Yusuf Hamadani. The Malamati Counter-Narrative (10th Century): Gazorgahi (1997) re-appropriated Sanai by attributing his transformation to a taboo earthly love for a "butcher's boy". This narrative symbolically repurposed the "shoes" of asceticism (Qazwini, 1994) by sacrificing them for the beloved, prioritizing Love over Asceticism. 4.2. The Modern Paradigm: The Competition of Archives Modern scholarship shifted authority from the Tadhkira to the Divan, evolving through several models: De-mythologizing: Zarrinkub (2000) and De Bruijn (1983) proved the "Lay-khwar" story chronologically impossible. Historical Models: Meisami (1987) framed Sanai’s poetry as "social critique", arguing he inverted courtly forms for ethical purposes. Psychological Synthesis: Shafiei Kadkani (2011) proposed a "complex psychology" composed of "Dark", "Gray", and "Bright" poles to unify the archive's contradictions. Strategic Synthesis: Zarqani (2023) offered an "economic-rhetorical" model, viewing Sanai’s transformation as a strategic turn to manage the literary market. Critique: These solutions fall into the "Holistic Fallacy". By treating the Divan—a retrospective assemblage—as a unified "Work", they attempt to bridge disparate texts with a single authorial intention, projecting the unity of Print Culture onto a fragmented Manuscript Culture product. Conclusion The "chaos of the archive" is not a reflection of Sanai’s confused mind, but a product of the "functional nature" of pre-modern text production. Sanai was an artisan producing "situational" texts: panegyrics for the court, satire for private circles, and ascetic poetry for the pulpit. The "Sanai Problem" arises from reading a "functional archive" through the lens of modern "holistic authorship". The proposed alternative is to accept "Functional Multiplicity". Instead of asking "Who was Sanai?"—which imposes a unified psychology on disjointed texts—we should ask "What did Sanai's texts do?" This shift acknowledges that contradiction is inherent to the varied social functions of the texts and does not require a psychological resolution. «مسئلۀ سنایی» و ناهمخوانیِ بنیادین میانِ ساحت‌هایِ گوناگونِ آثارِ او ـ از مدایحِ درباری و هزلیاتِ بی‌پروا تا زهدِ متعالی ـ چالشی دیرپا در تاریخِ ادبیاتِ فارسی است که غالباً به معمایی زندگی‌نامه‌ای فروکاسته می‌شود. واکاویِ تاریخِ خوانش‌هایِ دیوان‌های این شاعر آشکار می‌سازد که دو جریانِ مسلطِ سنایی‌شناسی، یعنی سنتِ تذکره‌نویسیِ کلاسیک و پژوهش‌هایِ متن‌محورِ مدرن، علی‌رغمِ تفاوت‌هایِ روش‌شناختی، در یک پیش‌فرضِ معرفت‌شناختی هم‌داستان بوده‌اند: «مغالطۀ کُل‌نگری» یا اصرار بر کشفِ وحدتی ارگانیک در آرشیوی ذاتاً ناهمگون. این تمایلِ مفرط به یکپارچه‌سازی، ریشه در فرافکنیِ ناخودآگاهِ مختصاتِ «فرهنگِ چاپ» بر «فرهنگِ نسخه‌برداری» دارد؛ جایی که مفهومِ مدرنِ «اثر» (به‌عنوانِ کلیتی منسجم و بازتاب‌دهندۀ مؤلفی واحد) جایگزینِ واقعیتِ سیالِ تولیدِ متن در دورانِ پیشامدرن شده است. در حالی که پارادایمِ کلاسیک می‌کوشید با ابزارِ «گزینش و سانسور»، تصویری قدیس‌گونه و پیراسته از شاعر برسازد، پژوهشگرانِ مدرن با بهره‌گیری از ابزارِ «سنتز»، در پیِ حلِ منطقیِ تناقضات و ترسیمِ شخصیت روان‌شناختیِ منسجم برایِ شاعر بوده‌اند. گذر از این بن‌بستِ تفسیری، نیازمندِ پذیرشِ چارچوبِ «کثرتِ کارکردی» است. در این نگرش، سنایی نه به‌مثابۀ مؤلفی با دغدغۀ وحدتِ درونی، بلکه همچون «صنعت‌گری» ماهر تصویر می‌شود که متونی کارکردی را به اقتضایِ «موقعیت» و برایِ کارکردهایِ اجتماعیِ متفاوت ـ از دربار و محافلِ خصوصی تا خانقاه و منبر ـ تولید کرده است. بدین‌سان، تضادهایِ موجود در «دیوان»، نه بازتابِ آشفتگیِ ذهنِ تولیدکننده، بلکه محصولِ ماهیتِ «آرشیوی» آثار و پیامدِ گردآوریِ پسینیِ قطعاتی است که در واقع برایِ خوانشِ یکجا و همزمان طراحی نشده بودند.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106732_fc879772084b3b28976edf9d74a0c551.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 A Study of Ancient Vocabulary not Included in Dictionaries in Zakhire-ye Kharazmshahi بررسی واژه‌های کهنِ جامانده از فرهنگ‌ها در ذخیرۀ خوارزمشاهی 43 63 106761 10.48308/hlit.2025.241567.1429 FA حسین علینقی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام‌خمینی قزوین، ایران Journal Article 2025 09 16 Introduction In various Persian texts, it is still possible to encounter words that are not known and have not been included in Persian dictionaries. Sometimes, the meaning of some words in the texts is different from what is found in dictionaries or their pronunciation is not recorded correctly; therefore, it is necessary for every researcher who works in the field of Persian texts or edits old Persian manuscripts to research these words and reveal their meanings and correct pronunciation. This will make it less challenging and troublesome for other researchers to find new words and their meanings. While editing the book Zakhire-ye Kharazmshahi, the author came across words that were either not found in dictionaries or did not have an exact meaning or pronunciation. Therefore, he decided to examine these words and terms to determine their exact meaning and application. The aim of this research is to represent these ancient and lost words and also to give their correct meanings with regard to the text of Zakhire-ye Kharazmshahi, ancient Persian texts, the structure of words in the Persian language, and the study of various dictionaries. This research and study can make the work easier for editors and researchers of Persian texts who sometimes encounter unknown words, and can reveal some forgotten words, and words not included in dictionaries. Literature Review From the past to the present, researchers have been searching for unknown words or words not included in dictionaries and have tried to find and explain these words from ancient Persian texts. Perhaps the first person to undertake this task was the late Dehkhoda, who found many ancient words in his dictionary by studying ancient Persian texts. After him, Abdul Hossein Noushin wrote a dictionary to study difficult words in the Shahnameh, and Ali Rawa'ghi did this in his books Unknown Words in the Shahnameh and Appendix of Persian Dictionaries. The Quranic Dictionary under the supervision of Mohammad Jafar Yahaghi is also another research work in this field. Methodology In this study, the edited text of Zakhire-ye-Kharazmshahi, has been examined, and words that were unknown or less well-known in terms of structure and meaning in this text and were not included as entries in various Persian dictionaries have been examined. In order to obtain the correct meaning and usage of each of these words, attention has been paid to their etymological, structural, semantic, and contextual or functional issues. Also, with regard to reliable Persian and Pahlavi sources, an attempt has been made to explain their meaning and usage in the best possible way and to determine their pronunciation as much as possible. In this study, we have divided unknown words into four categories according to their type, form, and meaning: 1. Simple words that have not been included in dictionaries; 2. Compound words that have not been included in dictionaries; 3. Words that have been included in dictionaries, but their meaning or pronunciation is different in the text; 4. Familiar words with older forms. Results and Discussion As mentioned, in this study, unknown words were divided into four categories according to their type, form, and meaning: 1. The first group are simple words that have been left out of dictionaries for whatever reason, and lexicographers have either not encountered them throughout the history of the Persian language, or these words did not exist in their own language and dialect. In any case, these words exist in some texts and cannot be simply ignored; 2. The second group are compound words that have not been included in dictionaries; these words are formed from combinations of meaningful or meaning-making words (prefix and suffix); of course, not every compound word can be placed in this category; only words that have a specific meaning and use or are a specific name for something are placed in this category. 3. The third group are words that appear in dictionaries, but their meaning or pronunciation is different in the text; These words differ in meaning or pronunciation from what is found in dictionaries, and by carefully examining the text, another meaning and pronunciation can be considered for them. Their meaning has been recovered according to the context, and their pronunciation according to their meaning, structure, and form in the manuscripts. 4. The fourth group is familiar words that have been entered into the text in older forms; these types of words have a familiar form that exists in dictionaries; but an older form of them appears in manuscripts that has not been entered into dictionaries. Examining these words is very important in terms of the history of the Persian language and showing the evolution of words. Conclusion In this research, it was found that there are various words in our ancient texts, including Zakhire-ye Kharazmshahi, which can be found using ancient Persian manuscripts and their meaning, pronunciation, and structure can be examined. This research shows some forgotten or leftover words from Persian dictionaries and shows us the breadth of words in the Persian language. It also shows the structure and chain of evolution of some words, as well as different or ancient forms of a word throughout the history of the Persian language. The results of such research can pave the way for researchers and editors of ancient Persian texts and help them discover the meaning of unknown and ancient words. با بررسی متون گذشتۀ زبان فارسی و همچنین دستنویس‌های کهنی که در تصحیح این متون از آنها استفاده نشده‌است، گاه به واژه‌هایی برخورد می‌کنیم که در هیچ فرهنگ‌نامه یا لغت‌نامه‌ای دیده نمی‌شوند و پژوهشگر باید برای یافتن معنا و مفهوم آن، کاوش و کندوکاو فراوانی انجام دهد. همچنین معنای برخی از واژه‌ها در این متن‌ها با معنایی که در فرهنگ‌ها برای آنها آمده، متفاوت است. بنابراین ضرورت بررسی و واکاوی در معنا و ساختار این‌گونه واژه‌ها بسیار احساس می‌شود. این‌گونه پژوهش‌ها می‌تواند برخی واژه‌های فراموش‌شده یا جامانده از فرهنگ‌های فارسی را بازنماید تا کار مصحّحان و پژوهشگران متون فارسی آسان‌تر شود و هنگام برخورد با واژه‌ای ناشناخته به معنا و کاربرد آن پی ببرند. در کتاب ارزشمند ذخیرۀ خوارزمشاهی برخی واژه‌های ناشناخته که در واژه‌نامه‌های مختلف زبان فارسی به‌عنوان مدخل وارد نشده‌اند، وجود دارد که باید بازشناسانده شوند. در این پژوهش با جست‌وجو در فرهنگ‌های مختلف فارسی، عربی، پهلوی و انگلیسی، و بررسی ساختار و تحول واژه‌ها از زبان پهلوی تا فارسی دری، سعی شده‌است معنا، کاربرد و تلفظ صحیح برخی واژه‌های ناشناخته یا جامانده از فرهنگ‌ها نمایانده شود. این واژه‌ها در این پژوهش به چهار دسته تقسیم شده‌اند که برخی از آنها واژه‌های ساده و مرکب‌اند و برخی دیگر صورت‌های جدید یا تلفظ‌های دقیق از واژه‌هایی شناخته‌شده‌اند. این بررسی نشان می‌دهد که هنوز در تاریخ زبان فارسی واژه‌هایی وجود دارند که باید بازنمایی شوند. همچنین بررسی این نوع واژه‌ها می‌تواند گسترۀ لغات زبان فارسی، مراحل دگرگونی و تحول واژه‌ها، و گونه‌های مختلف یک واژه را نشان دهد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106761_6e2de5813bbf691e52bd1e7566db28d2.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 Explaining the Difficulties of Several Verses from Anvari’s Poetry in the Dictionary Zobdat al-Favayed شرح دشواری‌های چند بیت از اشعار انوری در فرهنگ زُبدة الفواید 64 85 106433 10.48308/hlit.2025.240965.1421 FA یحیی کاردگر استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه قم، قم، ایران علی سلیمانی استادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه لرستان، خرم آباد، ایران Journal Article 2025 08 04 Introduction One of the reputable yet lesser-known Persian lexicons is Zobdat al-Favayed, which was compiled at the height of lexicography in the Indian subcontinent with the purpose of facilitating the comprehension of classical Persian texts. Containing about twenty thousand entries, this work is not only a lexical dictionary but also an encyclopedic literary resource. The author, in addition to recording words and their meanings, addressed the complexities of classical Persian literature and attempted to make these texts more accessible to non-Iranian readers. Among the various sources utilized by Shir Khan Soor, the Divan of Anvari holds a special place. Since Anvari’s poetry has long been renowned for its difficulty and complexity in both form and meaning, Shir Khan Soor, in Zobdat al-Favayed, devoted significant attention to his verses, either citing them as lexical evidence or offering commentary to elucidate their intricacies. The importance of the present study lies in its examination of the role of Anvari’s poetry within this lexicon and in demonstrating how this work contributes both to the understanding of Anvari’s verses and to the critical editing of his texts. Literature Review Due to certain ambiguities in Anvari's poetry, researchers such as Shadi Abadi, Hosseini Farahani, Mohammad Donboli, etc., have historically attempted to write commentaries on his works. In more recent periods, other researchers including Seyyed Jafar Shahidi, Mohammad Reza Shafiei Kadkani, Kamran Zamani, Kamel Ahmadnejad, Rahman Zabihi, and others have also striven to unravel the ambiguities in Anvari's poetry and familiarize audiences with his diction. Furthermore, although numerous articles have been written about Anvari's poetry, they have not extensively addressed the explanation of the difficult verses. Given the relative obscurity of the dictionary Zobdat al-Favayed and the fact that Shir Khan Soor has provided explanations for difficult and even disputed verses of Anvari within the definitions of some entries, research on this topic—which can be valuable for the correct understanding of the difficulties in this great poet's works and for correcting errors in the printed editions of his Divan—appears necessary. Methodology This article is organized using a descriptive, analytical, and comparative method. The primary sources for this research have been the manuscript of Zobdat al-Favayed (from the Astan Quds Razavi library and the Kabul manuscript) and reliable printed editions of Anvari's Divan (by Modarres Razavi and Sa'id Nafisi). To examine the explanation of difficulties in several verses of Anvari's poetry within this dictionary, the following steps were taken: Verses related to Anvari were extracted from the dictionary and categorized. The explanations and commentaries by Shir Khan Soor were compared with the readings found in the manuscripts of Anvari's Divan. Differences in readings, potential inaccuracies, or possible innovations were recorded. The author's explanations were compared with other commentaries and their scholarly value was assessed. Discussion An examination of the status of Anvari's poetry in the Zobdat al-Favayed dictionary reveals that Shir Khan Soor played a role in understanding Anvari's Divan through several methods: Extracting entries from Anvari's poetry: Many of the dictionary's idiomatic combinations and proverbial expressions are taken directly from Anvari's Divan. Sometimes the poet is explicitly mentioned, and other times only a hemistich or a combination by him forms the basis of an entry. This indicates a particular attention to Anvari's Divan as one of the primary sources of the dictionary. Explaining difficult verses: Some of Anvari's verses that were subjects of disagreement or complexity are explained in this dictionary along with commentary or paraphrasing. Explanations of this kind demonstrate Shir Khan's awareness of the linguistic and semantic difficulties in Anvari's poetry. Although his explanations are sometimes neither complete nor precise, his attention to these very matters is valuable. Rendering verses into fluent prose: In some instances, Shir Khan expressed Anvari's verses in simple prose to make them easier for non-Iranian enthusiasts of Persian to understand. This practice has an educational aspect and also demonstrates the importance of the dictionary as a literary reference. Attention to transcriptions and variant readings: Shir Khan Soor sometimes quoted Anvari's verses with transcriptions not found in printed editions or other commentaries. These differences can be of great importance to textual critics, as they indicate his access to different or potentially older manuscripts. Critique and utilization of other commentaries: In some cases, Shir Khan refers to the opinions of “masters”, which shows his familiarity with other commentaries (likely available in India). This doubles the research significance of his work because his dictionary is not merely a glossary, but also a collection of commentators' statements and critical viewpoints. Conclusion The Zobdat al-Favayed dictionary is not merely a lexical work but also a valuable resource for understanding and interpreting classical Persian texts. The findings of this research show that Shir Khan Soor utilized Anvari's Divan as one of his primary sources and extracted many entries from his poetry. In explaining difficult verses, although sometimes suffering from inadequacies, he made a significant contribution to resolving some of the semantic problems in Anvari's poetry. Furthermore, the paraphrasing of difficult verses into prose is an initiative less commonly seen in standard commentaries and indicates Shir Khan Soor's educational approach for his audience. The different textual readings found in this dictionary can also be useful for the critical editing of Anvari's Divan and can enrich the textual scholarship of this poet's work. Although caution is advised when relying on Shir Khan's explanations due to his use of Indian sources and his geographical-linguistic distance from the native Persian-speaking heartland, the role of this dictionary in unraveling the complexities of Anvari's poetry cannot be overlooked. Therefore, the present research demonstrated that Zobdat al-Favayed, alongside the standard commentaries on Anvari's Divan, is a neglected yet valuable resource that can be utilized for both understanding and textually critiquing Anvari's poetry, from both historical and literary perspectives. Acknowledgments This Article is based upon research funded by Iran National Science Foundation (INSF) under project No.4037020 علاقه‌مندی هندیان به زبان فارسی، تشویق شاهان ادب‌نواز هندوستان، گسترش سریع ادبیات فارسی در هند و حکومت برخی از خاندان‌های ایرانی‌نژاد در هند از جمله عواملی بود که موجب شد تا فرهنگهای فارسی منتشر شده در هند، بیش از هر منبعی با تکیه بر امهات متون ادب فارسی تدوین شوند و در نتیجه، بخشهایی از متون ادب فارسی در ضمن این فرهنگها مورد بررسی قرار گیرند. از جمله فرهنگهای معتبر و گمنام زبان فارسی، فرهنگ زبدة الفواید است که با هدف کمک به فهم متون ادب فارسی تألیف شده است. شیرخان سُور در این فرهنگ در کنار ضبط لغتها و معانی آنها، به گزارش دشواریهای شعر فارسی نیز پرداخته است. از آنجاکه سهم ابیات دشوار توضیح داده شده از انوری در این فرهنگ برجسته است، در پژوهش حاضر به شیوهای توصیفی، تحلیلی و تطبیقی، به بررسی شرح دشواریهای چند بیتی از اشعار انوری در این فرهنگ پرداخته شده است. توجه به ضبط ابیات انوری و ارائه نسخه بدلهای ابیات، برگردان منثور ابیات انوری، توضیح لغات دشوار و گزارش دشواریهای دیوان انوری، نقد نگاه شارحان اشعار انوری و بهرهگیری از دیوان انوری به عنوان منبع استخراج مدخلها، از جایگاه شعر انوری در تدوین این فرهنگ حکایت دارد. هرچند پیشگامی شیرخان سُور در شرح اشعار انوری و دوری او از خاستگاه اصلی زبان فارسی و کاربران آن و گاه بیدقتیهای او و منابع مورد استفاده‌اش که غالباً منابع هندی هستند، رعایت جانب احتیاط را در بهرهگیری از این فرهنگ ضروری مینماید اما بدون تردید در گرهگشایی از مشکلات شعر انوری نمیتوان از این فرهنگ بی‌نیاز شد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106433_89069756e3bfb8362c1112b17cf5f53a.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 A Critique of the Editorial Methodology in Two Previous Editions of the Divan of Emad Faqih Kermani آسیب‌شناسی تصحیح در دو چاپ پیشین دیوان عماد فقیه کرمانی 86 111 106582 10.48308/hlit.2025.240535.1412 FA سمانه عابدینی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه الزهرا (س)، تهران، ایران مجید دادفر دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه شهید چمران، اهواز، ایران Journal Article 2025 07 02 Introduction In the critical editing of classical texts alongside the use of reliable manuscripts, the application of scientific methods, familiarity with editorial criteria, and a critical approach are essential. Despite two existing editions of Emad Faqih Kermani’s Divan (poetry collection), due to the lack of methodological rigor in their editing, certain errors in the recording of verses remain. This study aims to identify the shared issues in both editions while offering accurate readings of the manuscripts they relied upon, as well as newly discovered manuscripts, to reconstruct the correct versions of the verses Literature Review Khwaja Emad al-Din Ali Faqih Kermani was an 8th-century poet and mystic. His works include a Divan and several long masnavis collectively titled Panj Ganj (The Five Treasures). The first critical edition of his complete works was prepared by Rokn al-Din Homayoun-Farrokh (1969), followed by a second edition of the Divan by Yahya Talebian and Mahmoud Modabberi (2001). Homayoun-Farrokh’s edition—the most renowned—was printed only once, nearly 50 years ago. The second edition, published in 2001, saw limited distribution during a commemoration ceremony in Kerman. Prior to these editions, Ahmad Nazerzadeh Kermani defended his doctoral dissertation, An Analysis of the Divan and Biography of Emad al-Din Faqih Kermani (1953), under the supervision of Badiozzaman Forouzanfar, examining Emad’s poetry using extant manuscripts. In 1998, Dariush Kazemi and Mohammad Hossein Gholati published 100 ghazals from the Divan. Additionally, Samaneh Abedini, Nasrin Faqih Malek Marzban, and Mehdi Nik-Manesh critiqued both editions in their article, “The Necessity of a New Critical Edition of Emad Faqih Kermani’s Divan”. Methodology Homayoun-Farrokh relied on three manuscripts (No. 1030 from the Islamic Consultative Assembly Library, Manuscript “A” dated 795 AH, and No. 13512 from the same library), while Talebian and Modabberi relied on three others (the Topkapi Palace Library manuscript dated 841 AH, the Soviet Academy of Sciences manuscript based on microfilm No. 44-175 from the University of Tehran, and the Leningrad Academy of Sciences manuscript). For this study, all manuscripts referenced in both editions—except Manuscript “A” from Homayoun-Farrokh’s personal collection—were re-examined, along with nine additional manuscripts (Nos. 181 and 182 from the Sepahsalar Library, and manuscripts from the Nurosmaniye, Fatih, Rashid Efendi, Leningrad, Minovi, Manguisa, and Tajikistan libraries). Discussion Editing classical texts requires not only access to reliable manuscripts but also the use of scientific methods, editorial standards, and a critical perspective. The existing editions of Faqih Kermani’s Divan suffer from inconsistencies due to the neglect of early manuscripts, misreadings, and a lack of systematic editing. Neither edition specifies a base manuscript, nor do their editors clarify their editorial methodology. A comparison of the manuscripts with both editions revealed that despite the availability of authoritative early copies, neither edition consistently followed a single base manuscript. Instead, both appear to combine readings from multiple sources, leading to textual instability. For instance, Talebian and Modabberi frequently relegated the more accurate readings of the Topkapi (“b”) and Soviet Academy (“a”) manuscripts to footnotes, or relied on Homayoun-Farrokh’s printed variants (marked “ch” and “nc”) rather than consulting the original manuscripts directly. Shared errors in both editions stem from misreadings or typographical mistakes in Homayoun-Farrokh’s edition, which were uncritically carried over into Talebian and Modabberi’s work. The latter either reproduced these errors without noting variants or retained incorrect readings in the main text while placing the correct versions in footnotes. In this study, a newly identified manuscript was selected as the base text. However, since it does not contain all of Faqih’s poems, the Nurosmaniye manuscript was used to supplement missing verses. Conclusion This research critiques the manuscript selection and methodological shortcomings of both editions. By collating their source manuscripts with newly discovered, more authoritative copies, it rectifies shared errors and establishes a more reliable text. در تصحیح متون کهن علاوه بر تهیۀ دست‌نویسهای معتبر استفاده از روشهای علمی و شناخت معیارهای تصحیح و نگاه انتقادی امری ضرور است. عماد فقیه کرمانی از شعرای سدۀ هشتم هجری است که دیوان اشعار وی را یک بار رکنالدین همایونفرخ و یک بار یحیی طالبیان و محمود مدبری چاپ کردهاند. با وجود دو تصحیح از دیوان عماد به دلیل عدم استفاده از دست‌نویسهای معتبر و همچنین عدم روشمندی در تصحیح، لغزشها و ایراداتی در هر دو چاپ به چشم میخورد. یکی از ایرادات موجود در هر دو چاپ ضبطهای اشتباه در تصحیح همایونفرخ و ورود همان ایرادات بدون اصلاح در تصحیح طالبیان و مدبری است. با بررسی دست‌نویسهای هر دو چاپ مشخص شد این ایرادات ناشی از بدخوانی دست‌نویسها است. طالبیان و مدبری بدون در نظر گرفتن ضبطهای درست دست‌نویسهای مورد استفادۀ خود برخی از این مشکلات را در متن مصحح خود تکرار کردهاند. همچنین در این تصحیح بدون رجوع به اصل دست‌نویسهای چاپ همایونفرخ متن چاپ‌شده را با حرف اختصاری «چ» و نسخه بدلهای آن را با حرف اختصاری «نچ» در پاورقی آوردهاند. در این پژوهش سعی شده است تا علاوه بر نشان دادن مشکلات مشترک در هر دو چاپ با خوانش درست و دقیق دست‌نویسهای مورد استفادۀ آنها و دستیابی به دست‌نویسهای تازهیافته، صورت صحیح ابیات را به دست دهیم.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106582_6e9c8731a500d63881ee221716dde238.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 Methods of Influence of the 13th-Century Afghan Poets by the Ghazals of Abd al-Qadir Bedil: A Study Focused on the Poetry of Mir Hotak Afghan and Ghulam Muhammad Tarzi شیوه‌های تأثیرپذیری شاعران سدۀ سیزدهم افغانستان از غزلیات میرزا عبدالقادر بیدل با تکیه بر اشعار میر هوتک افغان و غلام محمد طرزی 112 145 105933 10.48308/hlit.2025.237798.1352 FA سید مهدی طباطبایی دانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران کاظم دزفولیان راد استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران سیده مریم ابوالقاسمی دانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران سید جعفر صامت دانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 12 03 Introduction Mirza Abd al-Qadir Bedil (1054-1133 AH) is a prominent poet and representative of the Indian style; he reached the peak of this style through his ghazals. He holds a special place and popularity in Afghanistan, and shortly after his death, he gained fame in Afghanistan and Transoxiana. His ghazals became the focus of attention for poets in the region, to the extent that many poets endeavored to compose their own poetry under the influence of his ghazals. This trend grew so widespread that nearly a century (from the mid-18th century to the mid-19th century CE) came to be known as the “Age of Bedilism”. In the 13th century AH, many prominent Afghan poets were followers of Bedil in some way. Mir Hotak Afghan (1180-1242 AH) and Ghulam Mohammad Tarzi (1254-1318 AH), two prominent poets of this century, are the subject of this study, for whom no research has been done until now under this title. Literature Review The intense interest of the people and scholars of Afghanistan in Mirza Bedil has led to numerous books and articles being written about him. Over the past hundred years, several researchers have conducted studies and research related to Bedil and his poetry. Notable figures include Allama Salah al-Din Saljuqi, Qari Abdullah, Professor Khalilullah Khalili, Khal Mohammad Khasta, Ghulam Hassan Mujaddedi, Faiz Mohammad Khan Zakarya, Asadullah Habib, Amir Mohammad Atheer, Mohammad Abdolhamid Asir, Mohammad Kazem Kazemi, Abd al-Ghafoor Arezoo, Hosseini Fetrat, and other scholars who have produced one or more works about Bedil. Likewise, in Iran, Pakistan, and Tajikistan, individuals such as Shafi'i Kadkani, Seyyed Mehdi Tabatabai, Seyyed Hassan Hosseini, Kavous Hosseini, Nabi Hadi, Abd al-Ghani, Noor al-Hassan Ansari, and Sadr al-Din Eyni have written numerous works on Bedil's life, works, and style. Several articles on the stylistic characteristics, and the critique and analysis of his prose and poetry, have been published in various journals. However, specific studies on Bedil's influence on the poets after him have been limited to brief references within discussions about Bedil's works, such as the works of Asadullah Habib and Mohammad Kazem Kazemi, which are commendable. In Iran, there are articles written about the influence of Bedil’s poetry on Iranian poets of the Islamic Revolution and contemporary Iranian and Indian poets, explaining the manner of this influence. However, a separate and comprehensive study on the influence of Bedil on Afghan poets, specifically the two poets mentioned (Tarzi and Afghan), has yet to be undertaken. Methodology This study uses documentary and content analysis methods to examine the ways in which Bedil Dehlavi influenced the 13th century AH Afghan poets, focusing on the ghazals of the two poets mentioned, both structurally and thematically. The research demonstrates that these two poets, by imitating and following Bedil's ghazals and using his poetic elements and themes, wrote many poems in which their influence by Bedil is clearly evident at both structural and thematic levels. Thematically, their poems share much in common with Bedil's ghazals. Similarly, at the structural level, aspects such as meter, rhyme, refrain, and vocabulary have been influenced by his works, with the structural similarities being more prominent and striking than the thematic ones. Discussion and Conclusion Mirza Abd al-Qadir Bedil, a prime example of the Indian style of poetry, holds a special place in Afghanistan and has many followers and admirers. Afghan poets, for over a century, have revived and consolidated the Bedilism movement by emulating Bedil’s poetry in their works. Since Sufi ideas and the Indian style were widely adopted by these poets, their poetry, like Bedil's, was often influenced by such philosophical thoughts, using rhetorical techniques and intricate thoughts in a similar manner. With the expansion of the Durrani Empire's influence into the Indian subcontinent, Bedil's poetry found its way into Afghanistan, where it gradually gained popularity, especially with the support of the Durrani kings, particularly Timur Shah. The royal court's organization of Bedil recitations and their support for Bedil's followers contributed to the widespread fame of Bedil in Afghanistan. Similarly, the acknowledgment of Bedil's significance by the ruling elite, the printing of his works in the government press, and the consistent organization of Bedil's recitations outside the royal court contributed to the growing popularity of his poetry. Additionally, the proximity of Bedil's language to that of the people of this region, his use of familiar terms and expressions, and his ethnic background—being of the Arlas or Barlas tribe from Badakhshan—further contributed to his influence. Furthermore, his mystical, and unity-of-being ideas in his poetry enhanced his popularity among Sufi circles, leading to greater support from mystics and Sufi poets for his work. Mir Hotak Afghan and Ghulam Mohammad Tarzi, the poets studied in this research, are among the prominent Bedilists of the 13th century AH, excelling in their imitation of Bedil. The influence of Bedil on these two poets is clearly observable in their structural, lexical, and thematic choices. Structural influence includes the imitation of meter, rhyme, and refrain, while lexical similarities involve the use of words, phrases, and expressions similar to Bedil's. Thematic influence is also apparent, with both poets drawing heavily from Bedil’s content. In terms of structural influence, both poets extensively adopted Bedil’s meter, rhyme, and refrain, but Tarzi’s adherence to Bedil’s meter and rhyme is more pronounced than Afghan’s, while Afghan’s imitation of refrains is more noticeable. The use of phrases, idioms, and word choices is highly similar, and this resemblance is striking, as demonstrated in the tables and charts. Both poets benefited from Bedil's use of word combinations, with Mir Hotak leading in terms of lexical choices. High-frequency words used by Bedil, such as “astonishment”, “nothingness”, “annihilation”, “mirror”, “pockmark”, and “bubble”, along with combinations formed from these words, appear prominently in both poets' works, especially in Afghan's poetry. Similarly, specific numerical expressions such as “a hundred caravans of wailing”, “a hundred colors of movement”, and “a hundred gardens of fragrance and bloom” are found in both poets' poetry. Thematic influence is so profound that sometimes a ghazal by the poets seems almost identical to a ghazal by Bedil. The themes of their poetry, in line with the spirit of the Indian style, typically revolve around simple, ordinary topics combined with subtlety and imaginative expression. میرزا عبدالقادر بیدل (ت ۱۰۵۴ ق. پتنه، هندوستان، ف ۱۱۳۳ ق. دهلی هند) شاعر و نمایندۀ برجسته سبک هندی که با غزل‌های وی این سبک به اوج خود می‌رسد، وی اندکی بعد از وفاتش در افغانستان و ماوراءالنهر از شهرت و محبوبیت خاصی برخوردار شد و غزل‌هایش مورد توجه شاعران منطقه قرار گرفت، تا جایی که بسیاری از شاعران می‌کوشیدند تا به استقبال از غزل‌های وی شعر بسرایند. این روند به‌حدی گسترش یافت که حدوداً یک قرن (از اواسط قرن ۱۸ تا اواسط قرن ۱۹ م) را عصر بیدلگرایی نامیده‌اند. در سدۀ سیزدهم بسیاری از شاعران مطرح این کشور به‌نحوی پیرو بیدل بودند. میر هوتک افغان (۱۱۸۰- ۱۲۴۲ ق) و غلام محمد طرزی (۱۲۵۴-۱۳۱۸ ق)، از شاعران مطرح این سده مورد مطالعۀ این تحقیق است که تا کنون پیرامون این دو شاعر در این خصوص و با چنین عنوان، تحقیقی صورت نگرفته است. پژوهش حاضر با استفاده از روش‌های اسنادی و تحلیل محتوایی، روش‌های تأثیرگذاری بیدل دهلوی بر شاعران سدۀ سیزدهم افغانستان را با تکیه بر غزل‌های دو شاعر مزبور در سطوح ساختاری و محتوایی مورد مطالعه قرار می‌دهد. این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که این دو شاعر، با تقلید و اقتفا از غزل‌های بیدل و با استفاده از عناصر شعری و مضامین اشعار وی، شعرهای زیادی سروده‌اند که تأثیرپذیری ایشان از بیدل در سطوح ساختاری و محتوایی خیلی برجسته و محسوس است. شباهت‌های ساختاری (شکل و فرم) و شباهت‌های محتوایی (مضامین و موضوعات) میان اشعار افغان و طرزی و بیدل نشان می‌دهد که اشعار هردو شاعر از نظر مضامین و محتوا با مضامین غزل‌های بیدل شباهت و همخوانی زیاد دارد و هم در سطوح ساختاری از قبیل وزن، قافیه، ردیف و واژگان نیز از غزل‌های بیدل پیروی کرده‌اند که البته شباهت‌های ساختاری نسبت به محتوایی بیشتر و برجسته‌تر است.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_105933_3f6413ecb9f7f34f8529d7f4a364756a.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 Iranian-born poet of Indian style: Inayat Khan Ashna شاعر ایرانی تبار سبک هندی: عنایت خان آشنا 146 176 106669 10.48308/hlit.2025.241593.1430 FA ناصر رحیمی استادیار زبان و ادبیّات فارسی، دانشگاه سمنان، سمنان، ایران سید مسعود هاشمی کاسوائی دانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیّات فارسی، دانشگاه سمنان، سمنان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 09 18 Introduction This study examines the life of Inayat Khan Ashna (1627–1670), a Persian-speaking poet of the 11th century AH, drawing on primary sources and contemporary accounts. Through historical analysis, it provides detailed information on his name, date of birth, birthplace, parents, spouse and children, physical appearance, religion and beliefs, relations with the government, death and burial, and occupations. It establishes that Inayat Khan, despite being of Iranian descent, was born and raised in India and never visited Iran. His grandfather, Khwaja Abu al-Hasan Torbati, migrated from Iran to India during Akbar Shah’s reign and attained the position of minister. His father, Zafar Khan, was also a poet and a man of learning and literature, enjoying the support of contemporary rulers; Shah Jahan entrusted him with the governance of Kashmir. Inayat Khan's mother, Bozorg Khanom, was the niece of Banoo Mumtaz Mahal, Shah Jahan’s queen. Benefiting from this distinguished family background, as well as his own literary and scholarly abilities, Inayat Khan eventually attained ministerial rank at court. Over 4,500 couplets of his poetry and one prose work, Molakhas-e Shah Jahan Nameh, have survived. This book, composed during his tenure as head of the royal library, summarizes thirty years of Shah Jahan’s reign from extensive historical sources, presenting them in a simplified language that was appreciated by contemporary readers. Literature Review In Dehkhoda’s lexicon, five lines are devoted to Ashna, two of which contain errors. Following that, a six-page article by Dr. Amir Hassan Abedi exists, yet it is neither comprehensive nor free of minor mistakes; its brevity leaves many aspects of the poet’s life unexplored. Two entries in The Encyclopedia of Persian Language and Literature in the Subcontinent - “Ashna Torbati Kashmiri” and “Ahsan Torbati” - offer more detailed accounts of Ashna and his father. However, compared to the present study, these entries exhibit shortcomings and errors, including: - The failure to calculate Ashna’s birth date and the onset of his poetic career - Misidentification of Ashna's mother, Bozorg Khanom, as the sister of Banoo Mumtaz Mahal, which has been corrected - Omission of the office he received in childhood and the period he governed temporarily on behalf of his father - Confusion of Molakhas-e Shah Jahan Nameh with Qarniya, treating them as a single work, whereas they are two separate compositions - Lack of information regarding his religion and beliefs - Absence of details concerning his spouse and children. Methodology To collect personal, professional, and literary information about Ashna, primary historical texts were first consulted, most of which were composed during the poet’s lifetime by authors close to his family, possessing precise knowledge of his circumstances. Subsequently, literary-historical sources, including tazkarehs, were examined to extract details about his literary life. Finally, Molakhas-e Shah Jahan Nameh, authored by Ashna himself, was studied to gain insights into his life and family. Four manuscripts of his diwan were also analyzed to uncover personal details and his relationships with other poets. Information from these sources was then thematically categorized under appropriate headings, with relevant poetic evidence incorporated where applicable. Discussion Inayat Khan Ashna was among the prominent thematic poets of the 11th century AH in the Indian subcontinent. Alongside poetry, he engaged in historiography, enhancing his scholarly reputation. Despite attaining civil and military offices and being related maternally and through his grandmother to the Mughal dynasty, enjoying recognition among the emperors due to his father’s and grandfather’s positions, much of his personal and literary life remained obscure, and even authoritative sources contain evident errors. This study aims not only to clarify these obscure aspects and correct previous mistakes but also to address the following questions: - What were the other dimensions of Inayat Khan’s life as a historian and poet with political and military roles? - Why and to what extent was he trusted by Shah Jahan? 5) Conclusion The life and literary contributions of Inayat Khan Ashna largely remained obscured due to several factors, including being born in India and never visiting Iran, as well as contemporaneity with leading poets such as Saeb, Kalim, and Salim, whose fame overshadowed him. Due to his father’s and grandfather’s status, he attained an office at the age of seven unprecedented for any child, advancing through military ranks and assuming administrative positions such as Darughi-e Dagh, ultimately reaching Darughi-e Huzur, a position reserved for trusted nobles, given that his grandfather served as minister under Jahangir Shah and his father was a Mughal commander. His mother, Bozorg Khanom, was the niece of Banoo Mumtaz Mahal, Shah Jahan’s queen. Under Shah Jahan’s direct orders, he governed Kashmir on behalf of his father for nearly two years, and in the final year of Shah Jahan’s reign, he was appointed head of the royal library. As a commander, he oversaw 1,500 infantry and 200 cavalry, and during the succession conflict among Shah Jahan’s sons, he fought alongside his father in the army of the crown prince Dara Shikoh. Despite these political and military responsibilities, Inayat Khan continued to compose poetry, leaving nearly 5’000 couplets for posterity. این مقاله به بررسی زندگی عنایت‌خان آشنا (۱۰۸۱ - ۱۰۳۷ هـ.ق) شاعر فارسی‌گوی قرن یازدهم می‌پردازد و با استناد به منابع دست اوّل و نزدیک به عهد شاعر، به روش تحلیل تاریخی اطّلاعاتی دربارهٔ نام، تاریخ تولّد، زادگاه، پدر و مادر، همسر و فرزند، صورت ظاهر، مذهب و عقاید، ارتباط او با حکومت، وفات و خاک‌جای، و مشاغل شاعر به دست می‌دهد، و معلوم می‌دارد که عنایت‌خان تباری ایرانی دارد امّا در هند زاده و بالیده و هیچ‌گاه به ایران نیامده است. جدّش خواجه ابوالحسن تربتی در عهد اکبرشاه گورکانی از ایران به هند رفته و به مقام وزارت رسیده است. پدرش ظفرخان نیز شاعر و اهل فضل و ادب بوده و مورد حمایت حاکمان زمان قرار گرفته و شاهجهان حکومت کشمیر را به او واگذاشته بوده است. مادر عنایت‌خان به نام بزرگ‌خانم خواهرزادهٔ بانو ممتاز محل، ملکهٔ شاهجهان بوده است. به‌سبب برخورداری از چنین پیشینهٔ خانوادگی و بهره‌مندی از علم و فضل و ادب، عنایت‌خان مدّتی به مقام وزارت دربار نیز نائل آمد. از او بیش از چهار هزار و پانصد بیت شعر و یک کتاب نثر با نام ملخّص شاهجهاننامه باقی مانده است. کتاب مزبور مربوط به زمانی است که وی به ریاست کتابخانۀ سلطنتی رسید و تاریخ سی سالۀ سلطنت شاهجهان را از کتاب‌های مفصّل تاریخی آن عهد، تلخیص و عبارات آن را ساده کرد که مورد پسند همگان واقع شد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106669_bf8d08c39168ae2b9737140d69685008.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 Historical-Comparative Analysis of the Meter of Rubā’ī In Persian and Arabic بررسی تاریخی- تطبیقی عروض رباعی در فارسی و عربی 177 205 106585 10.48308/hlit.2025.239863.1392 FA علی اصغر قهرمانی مقبل دانشیار زبان و ادبیات عربی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 05 09 Introduction The term rubā’ī (quatrain) evokes a poetic form along with its unique meter. If a poem is composed of four hemistiches where the first, second, and fourth hemistiches rhyme but lack the distinctive meter of the rubā’ī, it cannot be considered a rubā’ī, as the identity of this form lies in its specific meter. In Arabic, the rubā’ī (or al-dūbayt) is also recognized by its particular meter. Given that the Arabic rubā’ī was almost certainly derived from the Persian rubā’ī, and considering that metrical features stem from linguistic characteristics - although there are differences between Persian and Arabic prosody - the rubā’ī exhibits significant similarities. These similarities indicate that the Arabic rubā’ī borrowed its meter from the Persian rubā’ī, with poets making only minor adjustments. As a result, it differs from the Khalīlian (classical Arabic) prosodic system. This meter cannot be derived from Khalīl's circles. Literature Review It appears that the first comprehensive book written on the rubā’ī (quatrain) is Dīwān al-Dūbayt fī al-Shi’r al-‘Arabī fī ‘Asharat Qurūn (1972) by Muṣṭafā Kāmil al-Shaybī. This significant work examines the rubā’ī (known as al-dūbayt in Arabic) from various perspectives and includes an appendix featuring around 900 quatrains composed by rubā’ī poets from the 5th to the 14th century AH. The author dedicates an independent section (pp. 58–72) to analyzing the meter of the rubā’ī, discussing the Persian rubā’ī meter (based on traditional Persian prosody manuals) and then the Arabic rubā’ī meter, favoring the well-known metrical pattern (fa’lun mutafā’ilun fa’ūlun fa’alun). Seyr-e Robā’ī dar She’r-e Fārsī [The Evolution of Quatrain In Persian Poetry] (1995) by Sirous Shamissa is the second independent and detailed work on the rubā’ī, examining it from multiple angles and dedicating a separate chapter (pp. 245–278) to the prosody of the rubā’ī. Unlike al-Shaybī, who was not a prosody specialist and mostly followed other scholars' views on Arabic rubā’ī prosody, Shamissa is a prosody scholar himself and meticulously analyzes the historical and structural aspects of Persian rubā’ī meter. However, he focuses solely on Persian rubā’ī prosody, and no comparison between the two metrical systems is found in this book. Finally, ‘Umar Khallūf authored an independent and valuable book titled Al-Baḥr al-Dubaytī (Al-Dūbayt): Dirāsa ʿArūḍiyya Taʾṣīliyya Jadīda (1997), which concentrates on the prosody of the rubā’ī (specifically the Arabic rubā’ī). Other prosody books in Arabic and Persian have also briefly addressed the meter of the rubā’ī in passing. These opinions will be discussed and critically examined within the article. Methodology Given that the Arabic rubā’ī was influenced by the Persian rubā’ī, this research falls within the framework of comparative studies. The article adopts a comparative approach based on the French school of comparative literature, incorporating historical, analytical, and, in some cases, statistical methods. It should be noted that research in prosody (‘arūḍ) pertains to the formal and technical aspects of literature. Therefore, this study does not address the thematic content of rubā’īs In Persian and Arabic (such as their motifs or philosophical themes). Additionally, not all formal elements (such as rhyme [qāfiya] and refrain [radīf]) are within the scope of this paper. Instead, the focus is on the prosody of the rubā’ī, its metrical features In Persian and Arabic and the similarities and differences between the two traditions. In essence, this research belongs to the field of comparative prosody or, more precisely, comparative metrics (wazn-shināsī tatbīqī). Discussion This study begins by examining the names and origins of the rubā’ī In Persian and Arabic poetry. It then reviews the opinions of Arabic and Persian prosodists, from classical to contemporary scholars, regarding the metrical scansion of the rubā’ī. These views are critically analyzed in detail to determine the most suitable main meter for the rubā’ī in both languages. After establishing the main meter and its appropriate metrical scansion, the study explores the crucial topic of poetic license (ikhtiyārāt-e shā’irī) In Persian and Arabic rubā’īs. Numerous poetic examples are provided, accompanied by their metrical scansions and identified variations in meter. To quantify the frequency of these metrical variations in Arabic rubā’īs, a statistical analysis was conducted based on 150 Arabic rubā’īs. The results are presented in tabular form, alongside a comparison with the frequency of poetic license in Khayyam’s rubā’īs. Conclusion Although in traditional Persian prosody, other scansions have been proposed for the rubā’ī, based on modern Persian prosody, the appropriate scansion as the main meter of the rubā’ī is determined as mustaf’ilu mustaf’ilu mustaf’ilu fa’ (- - UU | - - UU | - - UU | -) (مستفعلُ مستفعلُ مستفعلُ فع). On the other hand, while in Arabic prosody, the well-known scansion for the rubā’ī is "fa’lun mutafā’ilun fa’ūlun fa’alun" (- - | U U - U - | U - - | U U -) (فعْلن متفاعلن فعولن فعلن), and other scansions have also been mentioned, according to the author's view, the main meter is determined as mustaf’ilu maf’ūlātu mustaf’ilu fa’ (- - UU | - - - U | - - UU | -) (مستفعلُ مفعولاتُ مستفعلُ فع), with the only difference being in the second foot, where "maf’ūlātu" replaces "mustaf’ilu". This very difference has led to some variations in poetic licenses (ikhtiyārāt) in the Arabic rubā’ī compared to the Persian rubā’ī. The type of poetic license in the Persian and Arabic rubā’ī is exactly the same in the position of the first foot of the hemistich, which is the option of taskīn (substituting a long syllable for two short ones) and replacing "maf’ūlun" with "mustaf’ilu", and in terms of frequency of use, this is nearly the same in both Persian and Arabic rubā’ī. The same applies to the position of the third foot of the hemistich. As for the position of the second foot, both In Persian and Arabic, "mustaf’ilu" and "fā’ilātu" are used, and the use of "fā’ilātu" is much more frequent than "mustaf’ilu" in both systems. The key difference in this position is that in the Persian rubā’ī, "maf’ūlātu" is not used at all, whereas in Arabic, this foot has a notable usage (around 10%). For this reason, the foot ("maf’ūlātu") is considered the main one. رباعی یک قالب شعری است که با وزن منحصر به فردش شناخته می‌شود، اما از دیرباز در تعیین وزن اصلی آن و شیوۀ رکن‌بندی رباعی هم در فارسی و هم در عربی در میان عروضیان اختلاف نظر بوده است. از سوی دیگر با آن‌که قالب و وزن رباعی از فارسی وارد عربی شده، رکن‌بندی عروضی آن با رباعی فارسی متفاوت بوده است. به طوری که رباعی در عربی در ضمن عروض خلیل قرار نداشته و قاعدۀ سبب و وتد بر آن حاکم نبوده است، ولی عروض فارسی سنتی آن را در بحر هزج گنجانده است. در این جستار ابتدا کوشیده شده است پس از بررسی مختصر تاریخی عروض رباعی در فارسی و عربی، وزن اصلی رباعی در هر دو نظام وزنی تعیین شده و شیوۀ یکسانی برای رکن‌بندی آن در فارسی و عربی اتخاذ شود و سپس با مقایسۀ وزن اصلی آن دو، اختیارات شاعریِ رباعی در هر دو نظام وزنی معلوم گردد. رکن‌بندی وزن اصلی رباعی در فارسی به صورت «مستفعلُ مستفعلُ مستفعلُ فعْ»(- - U U - - U U - - U U –) و در عربی به صورت «مستفعلُ مفعولاتُ مستفعلُ فعْ»(- - U U - - - U - - U U –) تعیین شده و تنها اختلاف در رکن دوم است که به جای «مستفعلُ»، «مفعولاتُ» آمده است که همین اختلاف منجر به برخی تفاوت‌ها در اختیارات شاعری در رباعی عربی در مقایسه با رباعی فارسی شده است. روش پژوهش در این نوشته روش تطبیقیِ مبتنی بر مکتب فرانسه است.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106585_c3f796dfc5cacf1f40961610b437f652.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 The Behavioral Analysis of Characters Rostam and Sohrab Based on William Glasser's Choice Theory رفتارشناسی شخصیت‌های داستان رستم و سهراب بر پایۀ تئوری انتخاب ویلیام گلسر 206 229 106860 10.48308/hlit.2025.240421.1407 FA محمد طاهرخانی دانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، واحد زنجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، زنجان، ایران. مهری تلخابی دانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی،واحد زنجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ، واحد زنجان، ایران. حسین آریان دانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، واحد زنجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ، زنجان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 06 15 Introduction and Research Objectives This study aimed to conduct a psychological analysis of the behaviors of the characters Rostam and Sohrab in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh based on William Glasser's choice theory. As a foundational epic in Persian literature, Shahnameh not only holds literary and historical values but also contains profound insights into human behavior. The central issue of the research was to explore the psychological roots of tragedy in the narrative of the father-son battle, particularly how the seemingly free choices of these characters, influenced by unconscious forces, lead to a tragic destiny. The research hypothesis posited that the conflict between basic psychological needs (survival, love and belonging, power, freedom, fun) and ineffective responses to reality is the main driver of tragic behaviors. This study provides a novel framework for reading classical texts by linking psychology and literary criticism. Theoretical Framework The theoretical framework of the research is based on Glasser's choice theory, which considers human behavior a product of five inherent needs: survival (physical/psychological security), love and belonging (emotional connections), power (sense of self-worth), freedom (autonomy), and fun (pleasure/learning). Other key concepts include responsibility (acceptance of the consequences of choices), realism (distinction between objective and perceived worlds), behavioral system (integration of the four components: action, thought, emotion, and physiology), and the contrast between internal control (responsibility) and external control (efforts to change others). Within this framework, the actions of Rostam and Sohrab are analyzed as concrete examples of conflicting needs and failures in managing their perceived worlds. Research Methodology The research utilized an analytical-descriptive method with a qualitative approach, employing content analysis of the Shahnameh text (Khalaghi Motlaq version). Data were gathered from verses related to the narrative of Rostam and Sohrab and analyzed in three stages: aligning behaviors with Glasser's theoretical components, examining causal relationships between conflicting needs and tragic choices, and analyzing the role of the “behavioral system” in shaping actions. Discussion and Analysis The findings indicated that tragedy stems from unresolved conflicts of needs: Sohrab was caught between "belonging" (search for father) and "power" (defeating the hero), while Rostam prioritized "survival" and social status over "fatherly belonging". Rostam’s avoidance of responsibility (a clear example of external control) combined with Sohrab’s perceptual distortion (viewing Rostam as an invincible hero) created a vicious cycle. Sohrab’s behavioral system, encompassing thought (“defeating Rostam = proving my power”), emotion (anger from paternal rejection), action (insistence on deadly combat), and physiology (physical tension), integrally accelerated destructive choices. The gap between the perceptual Rostam (myth) and the real Rostam (vulnerable father) rendered any salvific dialogue impossible. Conclusion The research concluded that tragedy is not merely a matter of fate but a consequence of a chain of choices inconsistent with reality. Glasser's choice theory has the capacity to explain "communicative tragedies" in ancient texts and redefines the conflict between "free will" and "psychological determinism" in Shahnameh. This model can be generalized to analyze other tragic characters in classical literature (such as Siavash and Esfandiar). The practical implication of the research emphasizes the role of "balancing needs" in preventing destructive conflicts. این پژوهش با هدف تحلیل روان‌شناختی رفتار شخصیت‌های تأتیر‌گذار داستان رستم و سهراب در شاهنامۀ فردوسی، مبتنی بر چارچوب نظریۀ انتخاب ویلیام گلسر، به روش تحلیلی ـ توصیفی انجام شده است. پرسش محوری مقاله آن است که چگونه می‌توان با تکیه بر مؤلفه‌های کلیدی تئوری انتخاب (نیازهای اساسی، مسئولیت‌پذیری، واقعیت‌گرایی و ماشین رفتار)، خوانشی نظام‌مند از کنش‌های مؤثر و نامؤثر شخصیت‌های این روایت ارائه داد؟ یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که رفتار شخصیت‌ها در چارچوب پنج نیاز بنیادین ویلیام گلسر (بقا، عشق و تعلق خاطر، قدرت، آزادی و تفریح) شکل می‌گیرد و تضاد میان «واقعیت بیرونی» و «ادراک ذهنی» آنان، به‌ویژه در شخصیت سهراب، به‌عنوان محرک اصلی انتخاب‌های تراژیک عمل می‌کند. همچنین، مسئولیت‌گریزی رستم در افشای هویت واقعی خود، نقشی کلیدی در تقابل میان «کنترل درونی» و «کنترل بیرونی» ایفا می‌کند که به گسست ارتباط مؤثر و فاجعه‌بار داستان می‌انجامد. در پایان این مقاله به این نتیجه می‌رسد که فقدان توازن در ارضای نیازهای اساسی و واکنش ناکارآمد به واقعیت، انتخاب‌های شخصیت‌ها را به‌سمت سرنوشتی تراژیک سوق می‌دهد که منجر به فاجعه می‌گردد. این مطالعه نه تنها ظرفیت نظریه‌های روان‌شناسی را در تحلیل متون حماسی تأیید می‌کند، بلکه الگویی برای بررسی تعامل «اختیار» و «مسئولیت‌پذیری» در ادبیات کلاسیک ارائه می‌دهد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106860_2ae1e80656650b045be1046bb66b3182.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2027 02 20 The Application of Perfect Active Participles as Present Active Participles in Persian Classical Texts and a Critique of the Hypothesis of Substituting Active Participles with Passive Participles کاربرد صفتِ فاعلیِ نقلی به‌عنوانِ صفتِ فاعلیِ مضارع در متون قدیم و نقدی بر فرضیۀ ابدال صفتِ فاعلی به صفتِ مفعولی 230 246 106685 10.48308/hlit.2025.239913.1395 FA مسعود راستی پور پژوهشگر مؤسّسۀ پژوهشی میراث مکتوب، تهران، ایران 0009-0009-6475-493X Journal Article 2025 05 11 1. Introduction In a number of Classical Persian texts, one occasionally encounters forms that are morphologically identifiable as passive participles but exhibit a functional profile that diverges from their canonical passive interpretation. These forms refer to an entity—animate or otherwise—that performs an action in the present or future, or is habitually or continuously characterized by a particular state. Semantically, therefore, they encode agent-oriented meaning typically associated with the present active participle. Although these forms are traditionally labeled “passive participles” on morphological grounds, their interpretation regularly involves an agent who has previously engaged in an action or undergone a state whose relevance persists. Notably, in the cases examined here, the temporal reference of the action or state is not necessarily confined to the past, thereby challenging conventional categorial assignments. This study first reassesses the descriptive criteria employed in Persian grammaticography for the classification of participial constructions; it then demonstrates that certain morphologically perfect participles in both historical Persian and contemporary usage may assume syntactic and interpretive functions typically associated with imperfective agentive participles. Finally, it offers a principled analysis of the semantic and diachronic mechanisms licensing this functional extension. 2. Research Background The categorial and functional properties of participial formations in Persian have been the subject of extensive scholarly treatment, and virtually every authoritative grammar of Persian devotes consideration to the opposition between active and passive participles. Within this tradition, Abolghasemi characterizes the construction consisting of an intransitive past stem + -e/-a as a “past-oriented active participle”, while Farshidvard, identifying -e/-a as a “resultative/perfective adjectival suffix,” argues that although such derivatives are not uniformly passive in interpretation, they nevertheless exhibit a consistent retrospective temporal value. Both scholars thus indirectly gesture toward what the present study conceptualizes as the “perfect active participle”, a category that remains underexamined. The only focused examination of cases where a perfect active participle (e.g., fahmīde) replaces an expected Present active participle (e.g., fahmande) in Classical Persian is found in two articles by Haji-Seyyed-Aghaei. Her explanation, which attributes the alternation to a phonological substitution of -ande with -īde, is demonstrably incorrect. As this study argues, the phenomenon is not phonological in origin but results from semantic and morphosyntactic reanalysis. 3. Discussion A prominent participial formation derived from verbal bases in Persian involves the structure “past stem + -e” (alternatively, “present stem + -te/-de”), which is conventionally described in most Persian grammars as a passive participle. However, as widely acknowledged in the literature, these participles do not uniformly encode patientivity and, in certain contexts, may convey an agentive interpretation. Specifically, participles formed via “past stem + -e” can denote a completed past event with present relevance, functioning semantically as active rather than passive. Owing to their semantic alignment with the resultative or perfect domain, as well as their formal resemblance to the participial component in perfect constructions, this study designates them as perfect active participles (ṣefat-e fā ʿelī-ye naqlī). A second type of participle, traditionally labeled the active participle, is formed through “present stem + -ande” and denotes an agent who performs an action or possesses a property habitually, continuously, or without temporal restriction. This study refers to this category as the present active participle (ṣefat-e fā ʿelī-ye możāre ʿ). In Classical Persian texts, there are instances in which perfect active participles appear in syntactic or semantic roles typically associated with present active participles. In regular verb classes, the only distinction between forms such as fahmīde (“having understood”) and fahmande (“understanding”) is orthographic. Consequently, many editors of historical texts have normalized these forms, thereby inadvertently erasing important evidence. Haji-Seyyed-Aghaei attributed the residual attestations to a phonological substitution of -ande with -īde. Nevertheless, occurrences involving irregular verb stems indicate that neither scribal error nor phonological change can account for all cases. For example, the form delkhaste (“weary”) in the Shahnameh cannot plausibly be derived from any hypothetical delkhalande; it must be analyzed as a perfect active participle functioning in a present role. The replacement of a present active participle by a perfect active participle can be explained semantically along two pathways: A past action or state that attributes a property to its referent (i.e., a perfective active participle) may license the interpretation of the referent as performing the action or instantiating the state in the present, or more generally, as possessing the property habitually or in a timeless sense. Gradually, the present or generalized aspect of the action/state comes to dominate, relegating the original past-event component to a subordinate semantic layer. Consequently, the participle is reanalyzed as denoting a present or habitual property, functioning as a present active participle. A past-performed action or a state ascribed to the referent in the past, which confers a property upon it (i.e., a perfective active participle), has the potential to persist in the referent and render it a permanent bearer of the property denoted by the action or state. In other words, when the action or state is iterable or continuous, the referent comes to instantiate a property that signifies a durable or habitual disposition to perform the action or possess the state. Consequently, the participle is reinterpreted as denoting a present active property, reflecting the referent’s ongoing or permanent attribution of the action or state. This semantic shift from perfective active to present active interpretation may occur diachronically or operate synchronically without necessitating a historical continuum. Conclusion In Persian, the construction “past stem + -e” can give rise to participles that encode an agentive referent who performed an action in the past whose effects extend into the present. These forms are appropriately analyzed as perfect active participles. In both classical and modern texts, such participles are occasionally deployed in syntactic and semantic contexts typically reserved for present active participles (present stem + -ande). In fact, it can be argued that in Persian, one structural means of attributing to a referent an action or state without temporal delimitation is the use of the perfective active participial construction—formed by “past stem + -e” (or alternatively “present stem + -te/-de”). در غالب دستورهای فارسی، «بن ماضی + ـ ه» را صفت مفعولی می‌نامند، در حالی که هر گاه بن ماضی از مصدری لازم گرفته شده‌باشد، صورت «بن ماضی + ـ ه» از آن، نوعی صفت فاعلی خواهد بود. این صفت فاعلی به عملی اشاره می‌کند که موصوفِ صفت در گذشته انجام داده، اما نتیجۀ آن تا کنون باقی مانده‌است؛ از این روی آن را «صفت فاعلیِ نقلی» می‌خوانیم. در زبان فارسی (چه امروز و چه در متون قدیم) بعضی صفت‌های فاعلی نقلی در جایگاهی به کار رفته‌اند که عادتاً صفت فاعلی مضارع (بن مضارع + ـ ه) در آن به کار می‌رود. این کاربردها گاه در متن‌های تصحیح‌شده، به‌علّت ناآشنایی مصحّحان، از میان رفته‌اند و گاه موجب خطا در معنی کردن ابیات و عبارات شده‌اند. در این مقاله کوشیده‌ام تا چرایی و چگونگی کاربرد صفت‌های فاعلی نقلی به‌عنوان صفت فاعلی مضارع را روشن سازم و بعضی شواهد از کاربرد این نوع از صفت‌های فاعلی را از متون استخراج کنم و به دست دهم. همچنین این تحقیق فرضیۀ ابدال صفت فاعلی به صفت مفعولی را، در مواردی که در این تحقیق مورد بررسی قرار گرفته‌است، زیر سؤال می‌برد و نشان می‌دهد که آنچه در اینجا اتّفاق افتاده‌است نوعی فرآیند صرفی است، نه فرآیندی آوایی.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106685_9ecf799b482a70f76e64a41bcc6bd1d2.pdf

دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تاریخ ادبیات 2008-7349 18 2 2026 02 20 Mahsati Ganjavi in the Grip of Distortion: From Misattributions to Deliberate Forgeries مَهسَتی گنجوی در چنبرۀ تحریف: از انتساب‌های اشتباه تا جعلیات عمدی 247 264 106874 10.48308/hlit.2025.240912.1420 FA مهدی دهقان کارشناس ارشد زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران محمدعلی موسی زاده استادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران Journal Article 2025 07 31 Introduction Mahsati Ganjavi, one of the most prominent quatrain poets in Persian literature and the earliest known Azerbaijani poetess, was born in Ganja in the late 5th century AH (11th century CE). She composed exquisite Shahr‑Ashoobs—poems depicting city life and its craftspeople—in the form of quatrains. Through her fluent and bold language, she vividly portrayed the social fabric of her time. As an innovative poet and a pioneer of women’s poetry in Persian literature, Mahsati broke new ground. Unfortunately, her original divan of Shahr‑Ashoobs has been lost, and no authoritative copy survives. What is currently attributed to her is a blend of authentic verses and spurious additions compiled in later centuries. The absence of rigorous scholarly research has made it difficult to separate genuine works from forgeries. Nevertheless, the few authentic quatrains that remain testify to her unique genius and courage. Based on historical accounts by literary scholars and historians (e.g., Khwandamir, 1333 HS: 521), Mahsati likely passed away in the second half of the 6th century AH (12th century CE). Her fame rests primarily on her quatrains, many of which are preserved in early sources. Although unsubstantiated narratives—such as the tale of Amir Ahmad and Mahsati—have overshadowed research into her life, the authentic surviving quatrains affirm her brilliance. Mahsati Ganjavi is remembered not only as a female poet but also as a resonant voice in classical Persian literature whose verses remain fresh and impactful centuries later. Her language is direct and fearless and her quatrains range from romantic to satirical to critical, always marked by candor. In a literary tradition dominated by masculine expression, Mahsati’s poetry embodies a distinctly feminine identity. With subtlety and courage, she asserted her individuality and left an unmistakable feminine imprint on Persian literary history. Theoretical Framework Research into the distortions surrounding the works and identity of Mahsati Ganjavi is not only necessary but represents an urgent scholarly priority within the study of classical Persian literature. Without such inquiry, the true image of this remarkable poet will remain obscured beneath layers of misrepresentation. The necessity of this research can be articulated along several key dimensions: Reviving Authentic Identity: Restoring the genuine identity of an influential poetess and reaffirming her rightful place in Persian literary history. Correcting Erroneous Attributions: Eliminating false poetic ascriptions and enabling precise stylistic analysis of her authentic works. Addressing Intentional Distortions: Identifying and rectifying deliberate textual and historical fabrications, while preventing the recurrence of such forgeries in future scholarship. Establishing an Authoritative Corpus: Laying the groundwork for a critical edition of her divan and distinguishing genuine quatrains from spurious or misattributed ones. Research Method This study adopts a descriptive–analytical approach, drawing upon a wide range of documented examples from diverse historical and literary sources. By systematically examining and critically analyzing these citations, the research seeks to address a central question: to what extent can the origins and roots of the misattributions concerning Mahsati Ganjavi’s identity and poetry be traced and identified? The methodological process involves: Collecting and categorizing textual evidence from medieval and modern sources Conducting comparative analysis to distinguish authentic quatrains from spurious or misattributed ones Evaluating biographical narratives to identify distortions and deliberate fabrications The ultimate aim of this method is to reconstruct the authentic image of Mahsati Ganjavi and to separate her genuine poetic legacy from the multitude of erroneous attributions that have accumulated over time. Findings This research demonstrates, through documented evidence, the extent of distortions and forgeries affecting both the works and identity of Mahsati Ganjavi. It concludes that engagement with manuscript and printed sources related to Mahsati must be conducted with a critical and methodological perspective. The attribution of quatrains and poems to her requires meticulous scrutiny that goes beyond their mere presence in a single source, relying instead on multiple, corroborated pieces of evidence. The most significant cases identified include: Distortion of Mahsati’s name Assignment of birth and death years without reliable documentation Incorrect attribution of 16 quatrains by five other female poets to Mahsati Baseless attributions in Nozhat al‑Majales Tampering with attributions in Munes al‑Ahrar Distortions in the attributions within Assembly Manuscript No. 900 Alteration of the text of a prominent quatrain by Mahsati Deliberate forgery of a quatrain’s text and its attribution to her The article by Mir Abbas and its role in perpetuating contemporary distortions in Mahsati scholarship Forgery of a contemporary qazal under Mahsati’s name Attribution of the poetic exchange between Nur Jahan and Jahangir Shah to Mahsati and Sanjar Unsubstantiated attribution of poems in non‑quatrain forms to Mahsati Conclusion The investigation of distortions and forgeries in the works of Mahsati Ganjavi demonstrates that a significant portion of her celebrated legacy has been subjected to erroneous alterations, both intentional and accidental. From the manipulation of her name to the misattribution of poems—including even contemporary verses falsely ascribed to her—these issues demand serious scholarly re‑evaluation. This research not only contributes to uncovering Mahsati’s authentic identity but also offers a methodological model for critically assessing similar distortions in other literary figures. With heightened awareness of these falsifications, it becomes imperative to construct a realistic portrait of Mahsati and to redefine her rightful place in literary history. Regarding her poetry, the separation of authentic quatrains from spurious ones and the preparation of a critically corrected divan based on the oldest available sources are essential steps for Persian literary scholarship. Through such an approach, the genuine legacy of this remarkable poet can be preserved with fidelity and transmitted to future generations. مهستی گنجوی، شاعرۀ نامدار سدۀ ششم هجری، از چهره‌های برجستۀ ادبیات فارسی است که رباعیاتش از لطافت و زیبایی بی‌نظیری برخوردارند. با این حال، میراث شعری او در گذر زمان دستخوش اقسام تحریف‌ها و انتساب‌های نادرست شده است. برخی از این تغییرات ناشی از سهو در نقل منابع و برخی دیگر حاصل جعل‌های عمدی است که با اهداف مختلف صورت گرفته‌اند. این تحریف‌ها هم در اشعار منسوب به او، هم در احوال و زندگانی او و گاه حتی در نام مهستی رخ داده، تا جایی که تشخیص سره از ناسره و داوری درست در خصوص شخصیت و شعر او را دشوار کرده‌است. نکتۀ‌ بسیار مهم در پژوهش‌های مهستی‌شناسی تأثیر شگرفی است که داستان عامیانه و البته غیرمستند «امیراحمد و مهستی» بر منابع سدههای پیشین و پژوهش‌های معاصر گذاشته و اندک حقایق موجود تاریخی دربارۀ او را خدشهدار نموده است. این روایت نادرست، جایگاه غیرمنتظره‌ای در تحقیقات یافته و چهرۀ واقعی مهستی را در هاله‌ای از ابهام فرو برده است. مقالۀ حاضر تلاش دارد مجموعهای از تلاشهای ناصواب، همچون تحریف نام و هویت مهستی، انتسابات نادرست شعری، تحریف و جعل‌های عامدانۀ تاریخی را که شاعر و شعر او از زمانهای دور تا دوران معاصر بدانها گرفتار آمده است بررسی کند تا راه برای تصحیح دیوان او و تنظیم مجموعهای منقح از رباعیاتش هموار گردد.

https://hlit.sbu.ac.ir/article_106874_b8fce57407949f797d2a3377bce2c9e8.pdf